Child Abuse - Essay Samples And Topic Ideas For Free

Child abuse encompasses physical, sexual, emotional abuse, or neglect of a child. Essays on child abuse could delve into the statistical understanding of child abuse incidents, the psychological and long-term impacts on survivors, and the various protective measures and legal frameworks in place to combat child abuse. Moreover, discussions could extend to the systemic issues contributing to child abuse and strategies for prevention and support for survivors. We’ve gathered an extensive assortment of free essay samples on the topic of Child Abuse you can find at Papersowl. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Cause and Effect of Child Abuse

Cause and Effect of Child Abuse Abuse impacts an individual negatively and follows them the rest of their life. Child abuse is horrific as the abuse is often from the very person that is supposed to protect the child. The abuse isn't always physical but can be mental, sexual, and neglectful. Many factors can influence a child's reaction to the traumas that they experience such as age, how far developmentally they are, the type of abuse, how long the abuse […]

Family Violence and Child Abuse

Family Violence and Child Abuse Seldomly do people realize how often child are abused by parents, not always through violence, but in other various factors that can traumatize a child. The textbook Heavy Hands written by Denise Kindschi Gosselin has an entire chapter on child abuse and the different types of abuse that are involved against these children. Historical accounts tell us that children have always been abused and neglected by one or both parents; it is not uncommon or […]

The Effects of Childhood Sexual Abuse

Abstract This paper discusses the effects that childhood sexual abuse has on children. It states the basics and statistics of sexual abuse in children in our society. The immediate symptoms and signs of childhood sexual abuse are discussed as well as long term emotional effects, long lasting physical effects and psychological disorders due to sexual abuse. The treatment of childhood sexual abuse is also discussed to show how positive resources can help victims of sexual abuse. Introduction In the United […]

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A Report of Child Abuse

A report of child abuse is made every ten seconds meaning there are more than 3 million child abuse reports every year. In one study, 80% of 21-year-olds who reported childhood abuse met the criteria for at least one psychological disorder. What is child abuse you might be asking? Child abuse is a physical maltreatment or sexual molestation of a child. You might not know it but there are many cases of child abuse around us some may include family […]

The First Type of Child Abuse

Globally in 2014, 1 billion children aged 2 to 17 experienced physical, sexual, and emotional types of violence, according to www.compassion.com. Millions of children around the world are being abused by someone they know and are meant to trust. This includes parents, grandparents, siblings, and close family and friends. These children, very young in age, often don't understand why they are being mistreated. There are many different types of abuse. I chose to discuss this topic because I feel deeply […]

Social Problems that Existed in 19th a 20th Century

A social problem basically refers to a state of difficulty experienced by members of a given society which makes them unable to reach their goals as individuals and the society at large. Social problems may have direct or even indirect effects on the people and such problems include substance abuse, poverty, poor hosing infrastructures, criminal activities, and unemployment's, and lack of properly balanced diet leading to malnutrition among others. Between 19th and 20th century, there were many social problems which […]

Child Abuse has been a Major Problem

Child abuse has been a major problem for a long time and most people are completely unaware of this act. This act affects many children and no one really knows what goes on behind closed doors with parents and their child. This is scary to think about, but this is reality and children are put through this everyday. Parents need to be aware that this act is not tolerable and can not be accepted. It is everyone's job in today's […]

Child Abuses Defines the Mistreatment

Child abuses defines the mistreatment of a child. Abuse comes in many different forms (sexual, physical, mental, emotional). While the primary reason for this is unknown, there are many speculations over what causes a parent to act out in such a way of violence, however, it is believed that abuse is a cycle that will never truly end. The mental effects of child abuse can last a lifetime because it manifests itself in many ways such as anxiety, depression and […]

How are Fast Food Advertising and Childhood Obesity Related

By 1950s, fast food industry boom was in full swing. It was secured in 1951. In the 1950s, McDonald has become a staple of the American diet. Fast food restaurants have been grown more and more and by now, there are over one hundred and sixty thousands fast food restaurants in the United States, becoming a one hundred and ten billion dollar industry. One can’t deny that fast food has become really important in American life nowadays. Whether Americans are […]

Child Abuse has Many Impacts

Child abuse has many impacts towards the child and can cause a long term defect for the child's future. Nationwide over 2 million children suffer from child abuse, some will even die from neglect or by unmeasurable physical abuse. The supreme court does not have a constitutional law against child abuse, but they hold each state accountable to make their own child abuse laws (D.O.). Most of the laws set by each state have the same proposal about what is […]

Child Abuse is Widespread

Child abuse is widespread and can occur in any cultural, ethnic, or income group. Child abuse can be physical, emotional, verbal, or sexual. While child abuse is often in the form of an action, there are also examples of inaction that cause harm, such as neglect. Outcomes of child abuse can result in both short and long-term injury, and even death. Child abuse can result from physical, emotional, or sexual harm. Physical abuse involves the intentional harming of a child […]

Children and Domestic Violence

Domestic Violence has effected and still continues to effect the lives of many individuals. Statics on domestic violence states Every 9 seconds in the US a woman is assaulted or beaten Domestic violence is not only found amongst adults but even children and teenagers are victims of domestic violence or are the abuser in an abusive violent relationship .To briefly define and understand Domestic violence, it is an abusive relationship between individuals who abuse one another, aggressively, physically and even […]

Child Abuse and Neglect

English Composition Final Proposal Essay: Child Abuse and Neglect There have been countless studies focused around how the mind of a child is warped when transitioning into their adulthood after experiencing neglect and abuse. It's evidently very difficult for a victim of this certain issue to forget their traumatic experiences, ultimately impacting their physiological and physical health. Child abuse and neglect refer to any harmful behavior by caregivers, parents, legal guardians, and other adults that is outside the norms of […]

Child Abuse VS Discipline

Adults consider having children and acknowledge that it comes with commitments. As parents, one most significant consideration is how to discipline our kids to do what is right and avoid doing wrong. Love, values, and moral ethics are attributes some parents use to discipline their children. Other parents exercise discipline towards their children by assuming the authoritative parenting style whereby they offer the most incredible combination of discipline and love while being compassionate without domineering and yet having firm authority. […]

National Center on Child Abuse

According to the Staus, over 14 out of every 100 American children, ranging from 3 to 17, are subjected to abusive violence each year. This means that approximately six and a half million are abused each year in the United States out of the 46 million children that are categorized into the age group 3 to 17. These statistics are different from the statistic represented by the U.S. National Center on Child Abuse. According to the U.S. National Center on […]

The Effects on Child Abuse

The Effects on Child Abuse in Children Like many children, Pete thought physical abuse he suffered was normal from his mother. In the article, Pete's story, Pete explains his tragic memories from his mother, My earliest memory of my mum's temper is from when I was a toddler, and she was throwing books down the stairs at my dad. I was so young at the time that I thought it was a game. When my dad moved out, when I […]

Childhood Poverty

Abstract Poverty is viewed throughout the world as a large social problem that continues to advance with time. Since 1960, poverty has continued to flourish into a problem that has affected a large majority of the population, including our children. Childhood poverty affects the psychological and biological development, as well as three main levels of social systems: micro, mezzo and macro. Even though there has been active research on poverty, generational poverty and childhood poverty, no active changes have been […]

Child Abuse and Neglect Refers

It is estimated that from 1.2 to 3 million children in the United States have been victims of child abuse and neglect annually, representing 2% to 5% of American children from birth to age 18 (National Research Council). Child abuse and neglect occur during a child's most formative years, affecting the child's growth and development, as well as their social, emotional, and cognitive development. The effects of child abuse and neglect can last into adulthood. By definition, child abuse is […]

Factor of Child Abuse

The uprising in child abuse cases in America is forcing the country to open its eyes and investigate the underlying issue. Psychologist, social workers, law enforcement and researcher are all working hand and hand to combat the dilemma, yet all face the puzzling question “Why does this continue happen? And “Where does the issue stem from?”. These are two question that once solved could substantially decrease cases of child abuse. Erik Erikson in 1963 was one the first to divulge […]

Child Abuse is Happening

Child abuse is happening all over the world.The major abuse in are society is child abuse more than 80 percent has child abuse in are world.America has to stop child abuse in are country.Nearly more than a thousand plus more children was victims of child abuse or neglect.Child abuse has ruined the worlds of little children,More parents are abusing children and hurting their lives with abusing them. Child abuse can be prevented. People can prevent child abuse by training parents,getting […]

Child Abuse: Battling Neglect and Seeking Understanding

"Childhood should be carefree, playing in the sun; not living a nightmare in the darkness of the soul," (Pelzer). A child should never have to question, "Does my mommy or daddy love me?" or "Why was I not good enough?" Those are the questions that ran through the back of my mind for many years. Though I never quite understood why I had these fears of being alone and abandonment. My biological parents brought me home from the hospital when […]

Early Childhood and the Effects of Abuse and Neglect

Child abuse, neglect, or maltreatment and even intimate partner violence are all considered to be factors with negative effects for children. Neglect or maltreatment leads to many forms of abuse. Some of these are domestic violence, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse. These could impact a child's overall health if not treated early. More so, if children are not treated with therapy at an early stage, serious mental health issues could develop when children become adolescents. It has been stated that […]

Child Abuse and Neglect and Negative Physical Health

The topic of the research paper is the child abuse and neglect and negative physical health. Both of these topics are very important to look into and research. One reason would be to find out consequences, because the consequences of child abuse and neglect can be very extensive and may not only affect the victim's mental health, like it is known to do, but also possibly their physical health which may often be overlooked because it can take longer to […]

Child Abuse Means a Physical Maltreatment

Child abuse means a physical maltreatment or sexual molestation of a child. When a child is starting to experience abuse, they change. They suddenly don't show affect for a certain relative or they don't want to go over to that relative's house. They get an attitude or change their behavior. Most people just see this as they are growing up and rebelling. When children start making sexual remarks or start displaying sexual behaviors with other young children, those are signs […]

Catherine Roerva: a Complex Figure in the Narrative of Child Abuse

Catherine Roerva, a name that has become synonymous with the heart-wrenching narrative of child abuse in Dave Pelzer's memoir "A Child Called 'It'," stands as a controversial and complex figure in the realm of autobiographical literature. Pelzer's portrayal of his mother as an abusive figure has sparked discussions and debates about the nature of abuse, the dynamics of family dysfunction, and the resilience of the human spirit in the face of adversity. This essay aims to explore the multifaceted character […]

Child Abuse by Maid: Unmasking a Hidden Threat

Every parent's nightmare? Trust someone with their child, only to discover that trust might've been misplaced. Now, imagine this breach of trust coming from someone right within your home — the maid or nanny you believed would care and nurture. A topic we often tiptoe around, preferring the comfort of ignorance, is child abuse by those entrusted to care for them. Let's shed light on this hushed matter, not to provoke fear but to arm ourselves with awareness and action […]

Adverse Childhood Experiences and their Effects on High School Graduation Rates

Introduction The startling effect adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) have on children and adults came to light in a groundbreaking study first published twenty years ago. Andra et al. reported a strong link between exposure to abuse, divorce, substance abuse, and more to several health risk factors in adults (1998). The Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) Study opened our eyes to the long-term impact of direct and indirect abuse and how child did not have to be abused themselves to suffer serious […]

Child Abuse in India: Unveiling the Harsh Realities

Child abuse. Two words, heavy implications. But let's not just gloss over them—especially when discussing a country as vast and multifaceted as India. With its rich tapestry of cultures and traditions, India showcases unity in diversity. But beneath these layers, there are some unsettling truths we cannot and should not ignore. Among them? The lurking shadow of child abuse. It's not an easy topic. Even bringing it up feels like wading into stormy waters. But if we're aiming for a […]

Gap between Health Care and Child Abuse

Disparity: The Gap between Health Care and Child Abuse The disparity gap between health care and child abuse has the potential to impact a professional's life in an emotional way. Besides legal practices and the training undergone to protect a child from child abuse, professionals have gone through previous studies that have determined the emotional and psychological doubts that professionals go through at the time to report child abuse. The three research papers that I have chosen that contribute to […]

Domestic Violence with Children

Even though domestic violence for adults is harmful enough to lead to suicide children play a tremendou role in this by affecting their development growth and high risk of depression, Exposure to domestic violence impact children in different types of ways because children exposed to domestic violence usually never recover from it and can follow up to affect their future family and this affects children's education, social, emotional, and behavioral growth though it's different with every kid. According to the […]

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How To Write an Essay About Child Abuse

Understanding child abuse.

Before writing an essay about child abuse, it's essential to understand its forms and implications. Child abuse refers to any emotional, physical, or sexual harm inflicted on a child by an adult or older adolescent. It can also include neglect, where a child's basic needs for safety, affection, and education are not met. Begin your essay by defining the different types of child abuse and their characteristics. Discuss the prevalence of child abuse and the various factors that contribute to it, such as family stress, substance abuse, and historical abuse within the family. Understanding the psychological, physical, and social impact of abuse on children is crucial for a comprehensive analysis of this topic.

Developing a Thesis Statement

A strong essay on child abuse should be centered around a clear, concise thesis statement. This statement should present a specific viewpoint or argument about child abuse. For instance, you might discuss the long-term psychological effects of child abuse, analyze the societal factors contributing to its prevalence, or argue the need for improved child protection policies and interventions. Your thesis will guide the direction of your essay and provide a structured approach to your analysis.

Gathering Supporting Evidence

To support your thesis, gather evidence from credible sources such as child welfare studies, psychological research, and statistics from child protection agencies. This might include data on the incidence of child abuse, findings from studies on the effects of abuse, or examples of successful intervention programs. Use this evidence to support your thesis and build a persuasive argument. Remember to consider different perspectives and address potential counterarguments to your thesis.

Analyzing the Effects and Responses to Child Abuse

Dedicate a section of your essay to analyzing the effects of child abuse and society’s response to it. Discuss the short-term and long-term impacts on a child's physical health, psychological well-being, and social development. Explore the role of child protective services, legal systems, and non-governmental organizations in responding to and preventing child abuse. Consider both the successes and challenges faced in addressing child abuse.

Concluding the Essay

Conclude your essay by summarizing the main points of your discussion and restating your thesis in light of the evidence provided. Your conclusion should tie together your analysis and emphasize the importance of addressing child abuse both as a societal and individual issue. You might also want to suggest areas for future research, policy development, or public education campaigns to prevent child abuse.

Reviewing and Refining Your Essay

After completing your essay, review and refine it for clarity and coherence. Ensure that your arguments are well-structured and supported by evidence. Check for grammatical accuracy and ensure that your essay flows logically from one point to the next. Consider seeking feedback from peers, educators, or professionals in the field of child welfare to further improve your essay. A well-written essay on child abuse will not only demonstrate your understanding of the issue but also your ability to engage with a sensitive and complex social problem.

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Child Abuse and Neglect Essay

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Introduction

Events to strengthen the family.

Children are vulnerable individuals whose welfare is dependent on their parents or guardians. This exposes the children to the risk of suffering abuse and neglect from their caretakers. Hunt (2014) declares that the maltreatment of children occurs across all socio-economic, cultural and ethnic groups with negative consequences on the development of the child. Child abuse and neglect have deleterious effects on the future life of the child.

It is therefore necessary to take steps to tackle these issues and ensure the healthy emotional and physical development of the child. This paper will describe four events that can be implemented to strengthen the family and therefore reduce or eliminate incidents of child abuse and neglect.

Playgroup events can play a major role in strengthening the family on issues of child abuse and neglect is playgroups. Parents who come from the same neighborhood or those whose children attend the same school or daycare facility can form playgroups. The events provide a chance for families with similar interests and children of the same ages to connect with each other and share their experiences. Selph and Bougatsos (2013) reveal that the events are hugely beneficial to both the parents and their children.

The children are able to develop through play and interaction with their peers. The social skills and learning of the children is enhanced as they engage in play activities. Research indicates that play groups contribute to shaping family life and equipping parents with the tools necessary to engage in the challenging task of raising children (Hunt, 2014). Playgroup events provide an informal forum for parents to discuss their parenting issues and concern.

Nilsen (2010) confirms that parents are not only able to obtain important advice from their peers, but they also get to realize that other people are going through the same hurdles as they are. This is empowering especially to new parents who might feel overwhelmed by the difficulties of parenting.

These events also promote a feeling of community and each parent begins to take an interest in the wellbeing of the children of his/her friend. This makes it possible to identify incidents of abuse among children in the playgroup and take appropriate action in response.

A church/synagogue/mosque retreat activity for parents and they children can be beneficial in strengthening parents to deal with the issues of child abuse and neglect. Religion plays an important role in the lives of many individuals and they rely on their faith to inform their actions in many situations. The religious institute can therefore play a major role in promoting child safety in the community (Nilsen, 2010).

A retreat event can be planned for the parents in the congregation on a weekend. This retreat will be sponsored by the religious body, which will make it affordable to all the parents. An important advantage of faith-based events is that they possess significant resources since the congregation is made up of a variety of professionals including teachers, nurses, pediatricians, and social works. These professionals will be able to provide free advice on how to safeguard children during the retreat (Hunt, 2014).

Another benefit of the faith-based event is that it relies on the shared religious beliefs of the participants. The religious beliefs of the parents can therefore be used to exhort them to engage in good parenting practices. The religious-based family retreat will provide numerous opportunities for the families to socialize with each other.

There will be coffee breaks during which the parents and children will interact with each other and exchange contacts. Veteran parents will share their experiences and provide advice to the younger parents. The faith-based event will therefore serve as a good opportunity for the parents to establish social support systems.

Technological events can play a part in mitigating child abuse and neglect in the society. Specifically, parents can make use of online forums to learn about appropriate parenting practices and acquire skills for protecting their children against abuse. The online forum should be designed to attract parents who wish to improve the safety and wellbeing of their children. This technological tool can include a facilitator who will initiate discussion topics and moderate the discussions taking place on the website.

Online forums enable parents to express their concerns and issues in a safe environment. Through online forums, parents can be linked to numerous resources for strengthening families. Nilsen (2010) documents that there is a correlation between exposure to educational resources and a decrease in incidents of child abuse and neglect. Parents are also able to gain tangible benefits from the online events. Through the event, parents are made aware of the community resources available to them as they raise their child.

Nilsen (2010) asserts that information on available community resources is of great importance especially to parents who are at-risk of neglecting their children due to limited economic resources. A benefit of online events is that they are accessible to many parents at their convenience.

Parents do not need to adjust their schedules in order to participate in these events. This is an important factor since most parents might be overwhelmed by obligations that make it impossible for them to engage in events that require them to be physically present at venues outside their home or work setting.

Parents can enroll on home visitation programs to assist in the prevention of child abuse and neglect. The home visitation event should be voluntary and semi-formal in nature. An important feature of these events is that Nurses or Educators, who possess expert knowledge on childhood development, carry them out. These experts are able to convey to the parents professional information on subjects such as positive parenting practices.

Selph and Bougatsos (2013) reveal that such events can be of great service to pregnant women as well as families with young children. Through the home visitation, the parents are provided with information about their child’s development. The professionals can also help parents to gain a better understanding about age-appropriate behavior for their children. The home visitation events should be developed with cultural factors in mind.

Different cultures have varying values and customs that influence how the parents deal with their children. Nilsen (2010) asserts that the professionals engaging in the visitation must demonstrate sensitivity to cultures whose values and customs are different from their own. The strengths of the specific culture should be exploited to increase the safety of the child. In cultures were extended family bounds are strong, the visitation events can be scheduled to include some of the members of the extended family.

These members can be equipped to provide assistance to at-risk children and parents within their family. Parents who enroll in home visitation events are well equipped to engage in positive parenting and as a result, they engage in fewer acts of physical aggression towards their children (Promising Practices Network, 2010).

Child abuse and neglect have a lasting negative impact on the lives of children. This paper set out to discuss events that can be used to strengthen families and therefore mitigate or prevent these damaging issues from happening.

The paper has described playgroup events, faith-based activities, technological events, and home visitation programs that can be used to strengthen families. By implementing these events, the family will be equipped to prevent child abuse and neglect therefore ensuring the healthy psychological and physical wellbeing of the child.

Hunt, K. (2014). Safeguarding children – the need for vigilance. Practice Nurse, 44 (6), 18-22.

Nilsen, B. A. (2010). Week by Week: Plans for Documenting Children’s Development. NY: Cengage Learning.

Promising Practices Network. (2010). Promising Practices for Preventing Child Abuse and Neglect . NY: RAND Corporation.

Selph, S. & Bougatsos, C. (2013). Behavioral Interventions and Counseling to Prevent Child Abuse and Neglect: A Systematic Review to Update the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force Recommendation. Annals of Internal Medicine, 158 (3), 179-190.

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National Academies Press: OpenBook

Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect (1993)

Chapter: 1 introduction, 1 introduction.

Child maltreatment is a devastating social problem in American society. In 1990, over 2 million cases of child abuse and neglect were reported to social service agencies. In the period 1979 through 1988, about 2,000 child deaths (ages 0-17) were recorded annually as a result of abuse and neglect (McClain et al., 1993), and an additional 160,000 cases resulted in serious injuries in 1990 alone (Daro and McCurdy, 1991). However tragic and sensational, the counts of deaths and serious injuries provide limited insight into the pervasive long-term social, behavioral, and cognitive consequences of child abuse and neglect. Reports of child maltreatment alone also reveal little about the interactions among individuals, families, communities, and society that lead to such incidents.

American society has not yet recognized the complex origins or the profound consequences of child victimization. The services required for children who have been abused or neglected, including medical care, family counseling, foster care, and specialized education, are expensive and are often subsidized by governmental funds. The General Accounting Office (1991) has estimated that these services cost more than $500 million annually. Equally disturbing, research suggests that child maltreatment cases are highly related to social problems such as juvenile delinquency, substance abuse, and violence, which require additional services and severely affect the quality of life for many American families.

The Importance Of Child Maltreatment Research

The challenges of conducting research in the field of child maltreatment are enormous. Although we understand comparatively little about the causes, definitions, treatment, and prevention of child abuse and neglect, we do know enough to recognize that the origins and consequences of child victimization are not confined to the months or years in which reported incidents actually occurred. For those who survive, the long-term consequences of child maltreatment appear to be more damaging to victims and their families, and more costly for society, than the immediate or acute injuries themselves. Yet little is invested in understanding the factors that predispose, mitigate, or prevent the behavioral and social consequences of child maltreatment.

The panel has identified five key reasons why child maltreatment research should be viewed as a central nexus of more comprehensive research activity.

Research on child maltreatment can provide scientific information that will help with the solution of a broad range of individual and social disorders. Research in this field is demonstrating that experiences with child abuse and neglect are a major component of many child and adult mental and behavioral disorders, including delayed development, poor academic performance, delinquency, depression, alcoholism, substance abuse, deviant sexual behaviors, and domestic and criminal violence.

 

Many forms of child abuse and neglect are treatable and avoidable, and many severe consequences of child maltreatment can be diminished with proper attention and assistance. Research on child abuse and neglect provides an opportunity for society to address, and ultimately prevent, a range of individual and social disorders that impair the health and quality of life of millions of America's children as well as their families and communities.

Research on child maltreatment can provide insights and knowledge that can directly benefit victims of child abuse and neglect and their families. Individuals who have been victimized as a result of child maltreatment deserve to have research efforts dedicated to their experience, in the same manner as our society invests in scientific research for burn victims, victims of genetic or infectious diseases, or those who are subjected to other forms of trauma. Yet the families of child abuse and neglect victims are often not active in social and political organizations. Unable to speak for themselves or employ paid representatives to promote their interests, they have been discounted and overlooked in the process of determining what social problems deserve public resources and attention from the American research community.

Research on child maltreatment can reduce long-term economic costs associated with treating the consequences of child maltreatment,

 

in areas such as mental health services, foster care, juvenile delinquency, and family violence.

 

Economic issues must also be considered in evaluating long-term treatment costs and loss of earnings associated with the consequences of child victimization. One analysis cited by the General Accounting Office that used prevalence and treatment rates generated from multiple studies (Daro, 1988) calculated potential fiscal costs resulting from child abuse estimates as follows: (1) Assuming a 20 percent delinquency rate among adolescent abuse victims, requiring an average of 2 years in a correctional institution, the public cost of their incarceration would be more than $14.8 million. (2) If 1 percent of severely abused children suffer permanent disabilities, the annual cost of community services (estimated at $13 per day) for treating developmentally disabled children would increase by $1.1 million. (3) The future lost productivity of severely abused children is $658-1300 million annually, if their impairments limit their potential earnings by only 5-10 percent.

Government officials, judges, legislators, social service personnel, child welfare advocates, and others make hundreds of crucial decisions each day about the lives and futures of child victims and their offenders. These decisions include the selection of cases of suspected child abuse and neglect for investigation and determinations about which children should remain with families in which abuse has occurred. Individuals making such decisions will benefit from informed guidance on the effectiveness and consequences of various social interventions that address child maltreatment. Such guidance can evolve from research on the outcomes of alternative responses to reports of child abuse and neglect, results of therapeutic and social service interventions, and cost-effectiveness studies. For example, research that describes the conditions under which family counseling and family preservation efforts are effective has tremendous implications for the importance of attachment relationships for children and the disruption of these relationships brought on by foster care.

Research On Child Maltreatment Is Currently Undervalued And Undeveloped

Research in the field of child maltreatment studies is relatively undeveloped when compared with related fields such as child development, so-

cial welfare, and criminal violence. Although no specific theory about the causes of child abuse and neglect has been substantially replicated across studies, significant progress has been gained in the past few decades in identifying the dimensions of complex phenomena that contribute to the origins of child maltreatment.

Efforts to improve the quality of research on any group of children are dependent on the value that society assigns to the potential inherent in young lives. Although more adults are available in American society today as service providers to care for children than was the case in 1960, a disturbing number of recent reports have concluded that American children are in trouble (Fuchs and Reklis, 1992; National Commission on Children, 1991; Children's Defense Fund, 1991).

Efforts to encourage greater investments in research on children will be futile unless broader structural and social issues can be addressed within our society. Research on general problems of violence, substance addiction, social inequality, unemployment, poor education, and the treatment of children in the social services system is incomplete without attention to child maltreatment issues. Research on child maltreatment can play a key role in informing major social policy decisions concerning the services that should be made available to children, especially children in families or neighborhoods that experience significant stress and violence.

As a nation, we already have developed laws and regulatory approaches to reduce and prevent childhood injuries and deaths through actions such as restricting hot water temperatures and requiring mandatory child restraints in automobiles. These important precedents suggest how research on risk factors can provide informed guidance for social efforts to protect all of America's children in both familial and other settings.

Not only has our society invested relatively little in research on children, but we also have invested even less in research on children whose families are characterized by multiple problems, such as poverty, substance abuse, violence, welfare dependency, and child maltreatment. In part, this slower development is influenced by the complexities of research on major social problems. But the state of research on this topic could be advanced more rapidly with increased investment of funds. In the competition for scarce research funds, the underinvestment in child maltreatment research needs to be understood in the context of bias, prejudice, and the lack of a clear political constituency for children in general and disadvantaged children in particular (Children's Defense Fund, 1991; National Commission on Children, 1991). Factors such as racism, ethnic discrimination, sexism, class bias, institutional and professional jealousies, and social inequities influence the development of our national research agenda (Bell, 1992, Huston, 1991).

The evolving research agenda has also struggled with limitations im-

posed by attempting to transfer the results of sample-specific studies to diverse groups of individuals. The roles of culture, ethnic values, and economic factors pervade the development of parenting practices and family dynamics. In setting a research agenda for this field, ethnic diversity and multiple cultural perspectives are essential to improve the quality of the research program and to overcome systematic biases that have restricted its development.

Researchers must address ethical and legal issues that present unique obligations and dilemmas regarding selection of subjects, provision of services, and disclosure of data. For example, researchers who discover an undetected incident of child abuse in the course of an interview are required by state laws to disclose the identities of the victim and offender(s), if known, to appropriate child welfare officials. These mandatory reporting requirements, adopted in the interests of protecting children, may actually cause long-term damage to children by restricting the scope of research studies and discouraging scientists from developing the knowledge base necessary to guide social interventions.

Substantial efforts are now required to reach beyond the limitations of current knowledge and to gain new insights that can improve the quality of social service efforts and public policy decisions affecting the health and welfare of abused and neglected children and their families. Most important, collaborative long-term research ventures are necessary to diminish social, professional, and institutional prejudices that have restricted the development of a comprehensive knowledge base that can improve understanding of, and response to, child maltreatment.

Dimensions Of Child Abuse And Neglect

The human dimensions of child maltreatment are enormous and tragic. The U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect has called the problem of child maltreatment ''an epidemic" in American society, one that requires a critical national emergency response.

The scale and severity of child abuse and neglect has caused various public and private organizations to mobilize efforts to raise public awareness of individual cases and societal trends, to improve the reporting and tracking of child maltreatment cases, to strengthen the responses of social service systems, and to develop an effective and fair system for protecting and offering services to victims while also punishing adults who deliberately harm children or place them in danger. Over the past several decades, a growing number of state and federal funding programs, governmental reports, specialized journals, and research centers, as well as national and international societies and conferences, have examined various dimensions of the problem of child maltreatment.

The results of these efforts have been inconsistent and uneven. In addressing aspects of each new revelation of abuse or each promising new intervention, research efforts often have become diffuse, fragmented, specific, and narrow. What is lacking is a coordinated approach and a general conceptual framework that can add new depth to our understanding of child maltreatment. A coordinated approach can accommodate diverse perspectives while providing direction and guidance in establishing research priorities and synthesizing research knowledge. Organizational mechanisms are also needed to facilitate the application and integration of research on child maltreatment in related areas such as child development, family violence, substance abuse, and juvenile delinquency.

Child maltreatment is not a new problem, yet concerted service, research, and policy attention toward it is just beginning. Although isolated studies of child maltreatment appeared in the medical and sociological literature in the first half of the twentieth century, the publication of "The Battered Child Syndrome" by C. Henry Kempe and associates (1962) is generally considered the first definitive paper in the field in the United States. The efforts of Kempe and others to publicize disturbing medical experience with child abuse and neglect led to the passage of the first Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act in 1974 (P.L. 93-247). The act, which has been amended several times (most recently in 1992), established a governmental program designed to guide and consolidate national and state data collection efforts regarding reports of child abuse and neglect, conduct national surveys of household violence, and sponsor research and demonstration programs to prevent, identify, and treat child abuse and neglect.

However, the federal government's leadership role in building a research base in this area has been complicated by changes and inconsistencies in research plans and priorities, limited funding, politicized peer review, fragmentation of effort among various federal agencies, poorly scheduled proposal review deadlines, and bias introduced by competing institutional objectives. 1 The lack of comprehensive, long-term planning for a research base has resulted in a field characterized by contradictions, conflict, and fragmentation. The role of the National Center for Child Abuse and Neglect as the lead federal agency in supporting research in this field has been sharply criticized (U.S. Advisory Board, 1991). Many observers believe that the federal government lacks leadership, funding, and an effective research program for studies on child maltreatment.

The Complexity Of Child Maltreatment

Child maltreatment was originally seen in the form of "the battered child," often portrayed in terms of physical abuse. Today, four general categories of child maltreatment are generally recognized: (1) physical

abuse, (2) sexual abuse, (3) neglect, and (4) emotional maltreatment. Each category covers a range of behaviors, as discussed in Chapter 2.

These four categories have become the focus of separate studies of incidence and prevalence, etiology, prevention, consequences, and treatment, with uneven development of research within each area and poor integration of knowledge across areas. Each category has developed its own typology and framework of reference terms, revealing certain similarities (such as the importance of developmental perspectives in considering the consequences of maltreatment) but also important differences (such as the predatory behavior associated with some forms of sexual abuse that do not appear in the etiology of other forms of child maltreatment).

In addition to the category of child maltreatment, the duration, source, intensity, timing, and situational context of incidents of child victimization are now recognized as important factors in studying the origin and consequences of child maltreatment. Yet information about these factors is rarely requested or recorded by social agencies or health professionals in the process of identifying or documenting reports of child maltreatment. Furthermore, research is often weakened by variation in research definitions of child maltreatment, bias in the recruitment of research subjects, the absence of information regarding circumstances surrounding maltreatment reports, the absence of measures to assess selected variables under study, and the absence of a developmental perspective in many research studies.

The co-occurrence of different forms of child maltreatment has been examined only to a limited extent. Relatively little is known about areas of similarity and differences in terms of causes, consequences, prevention, and treatment of selected types of child abuse and neglect. Inconsistencies in definitions often preclude comparative analyses of clinical studies. For example, studies of sexual abuse have indicated wide variations in its prevalence, often as a result of differences in the types of behavior that might be included in the definition adopted by each research investigator. Emotional abuse is also a matter of controversy in some quarters, primarily because of broad variations in its definition.

Research on child maltreatment is also complicated by the fragmentation of services and responses by which our society addresses specific reports of child maltreatment. Cases may involve children who are victims or witnesses to single or repeated incidents of child abuse and neglect. Sadly, child maltreatment often involves various family members, relatives, or other individuals who reside in the homes or neighborhoods of the affected children. Adult figures may be perpetrators of offensive incidents or mediators in intervention or prevention efforts.

The importance of the social ecological framework of the child has only recently been recognized in studies of maltreatment. Responses to child abuse and neglect involve a variety of social institutions, including commu-

nities, schools, hospitals, churches, youth associations, the media, and other social structures that provide services for children. Such groups and organizations present special intervention opportunities to reduce the scale and scope of the problem of child maltreatment, but their activities are often poorly documented and uncoordinated. Finally, governmental offices at the local, state, and federal levels have legal and social obligations to develop programs and resources to address child maltreatment, and their role is critical in developing a research agenda for this field.

In the past, the research agenda has been determined predominantly by pragmatic needs in the development and delivery of treatment and prevention services rather than by theoretical paradigms, a process that facilitates short-term studies of specialized research priorities but impedes the development of a well-organized, coherent body of scientific knowledge that can contribute over time to understanding fundamental principles and issues. As a result, the research in this field has been generally viewed by the scientific community as fragmented, diffuse, decentralized, and of poor quality.

Selection of Research Studies

The research literature in the field of child maltreatment is immense—over 2000 items are included in the panel's research bibliography, a portion of which is referenced in this report. Despite this quantity of literature, researchers generally agree that the quality of research on child maltreatment is relatively weak in comparison to health and social science research studies in areas such as family systems and child development. Only a few prospective studies of child maltreatment have been undertaken, and most studies rely on the use of clinical samples (which may exclude important segments of the research population) or adult memories. Both types of samples are problematic and can produce biased results. Clinical samples may not be representative of all cases of child maltreatment. For example, we know from epidemiologic studies of disease of cases that were derived from hospital records that, unless the phenomenon of interest always comes to a service provider for treatment, there exist undetected and untreated cases in the general population that are often quite different from those who have sought treatment. Similarly, when studies rely on adult memories of childhood experiences, recall bias is always an issue. Longitudinal studies are quite rare, and some studies that are described as longitudinal actually consist of hybrid designs followed over time.

To ensure some measure of quality, the panel relied largely on studies that had been published in the peer-reviewed scientific literature. More rigorous scientific criteria (such as the use of appropriate theory and methodology in the conduct of the study) were considered by the panel, but were not adopted because little of the existing work would meet such selection

criteria. Given the early stage of development of this field of research, the panel believes that even weak studies contain some useful information, especially when they suggest clinical insights, a new perspective, or a point of departure from commonly held assumptions. Thus, the report draws out issues based on clinical studies or studies that lack sufficient control samples, but the panel refrains from drawing inferences based on this literature.

The panel believes that future research reviews of the child maltreatment literature would benefit from the identification of explicit criteria that could guide the selection of exemplary research studies, such as the following:

The extent to which the study is guided by theory regarding the origins and pathways of child abuse and neglect;

The use of appropriate and replicable instrumentation (including outcome measures) in the conduct of the study; and

The selection of appropriate study samples, including the use of experimental and control groups in etiological studies or in the analysis of outcomes of child maltreatment or intervention efforts.

For the most part, only a few studies will score well in each of the above categories. It becomes problematic, therefore, to rate the value of studies which may score high in one category but not in others.

The panel has relied primarily on studies conducted in the past decade, since earlier research work may not meet contemporary standards of methodological rigor. However, citations to earlier studies are included in this report where they are thought to be particularly useful and when research investigators provided careful assessments and analysis of issues such as definition, interrelationships of various types of abuse, and the social context of child maltreatment.

A Comparison With Other Fields of Family and Child Research

A comparison with the field of studies on family functioning may illustrate another point about the status of the studies on child maltreatment. The literature on normal family functioning or socialization effects differs in many respects from the literature on child abuse and neglect. Family sociology research has a coherent body of literature and reasonable consensus about what constitutes high-quality parenting in middle-class, predominantly White populations. Family functioning studies have focused predominantly on large, nonclinical populations, exploring styles of parenting and parenting practices that generate different kinds and levels of competence, mental health, and character in children. Studies of family functioning have tended to follow cohorts of subjects over long periods to identify the effects of variations in childrearing practices and patterns on children's

competence and adjustment that are not a function of social class and circumstances.

By contrast, the vast and burgeoning literature on child abuse and neglect is applied research concerned largely with the adverse effects of personal and social pathology on children. The research is often derived from very small samples selected by clinicians and case workers. Research is generally cross-sectional, and almost without exception the samples use impoverished families characterized by multiple problems, including substance abuse, unemployment, transient housing, and so forth. Until recently, researchers demonstrated little regard for incorporating appropriate ethnic and cultural variables in comparison and control groups. In the past decade, significant improvements have occurred in the development of child maltreatment research, but key problems remain in the area of definitions, study designs, and the use of instrumentation.

As the nature of research on child abuse and neglect has evolved over time, scientists and practitioners have likewise changed. The psychopathologic model of child maltreatment has been expanded to include models that stress the interactions of individual, family, neighborhood, and larger social systems. The role of ethnic and cultural issues are acquiring an emerging importance in formulating parent-child and family-community relationships. Earlier simplistic conceptionalizations of perpetrator-victim relationships are evolving into multiple-focus research projects that examine antecedents in family histories, current situational relationships, ecological and neighborhood issues, and interactional qualities of relationships between parent-child and offender-victim. In addition, emphases in treatment, social service, and legal programs combine aspects of both law enforcement and therapy, reflecting an international trend away from punishment, toward assistance, for families in trouble.

Charge To The Panel

The commissioner of the Administration for Children, Youth, and Families in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services requested that the National Academy of Sciences convene a study panel to undertake a comprehensive examination of the theoretical and pragmatic research needs in the area of child maltreatment. The Panel on Research on Child Abuse and Neglect was asked specifically to:

Review and assess research on child abuse and neglect, encompassing work funded by the Administration for Children, Youth, and Families and other known sources under public and private auspices;

Identify research that provides knowledge relevant to the field; and

Recommend research priorities for the next decade, including new

 

areas of research that should be funded by public and private agencies and suggestions regarding fields that are no longer a priority for funding.

The report resulting from this study provides recommendations for allocating existing research funds and also suggests funding mechanisms and topic areas to which new resources could be allocated or enhanced resources could be redirected. By focusing this report on research priorities and the needs of the research community, the panel's efforts were distinguished from related activities, such as the reports of the U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect, which concentrate on the policy issues in the field of child maltreatment.

The request for recommendations for research priorities recognizes that existing studies on child maltreatment require careful evaluation to improve the evolution of the field and to build appropriate levels of human and financial resources for these complex research problems. Through this review, the panel has examined the strengths and weaknesses of past research and identified areas of knowledge that represent the greatest promise for advancing understanding of, and dealing more effectively with, the problem of child maltreatment.

In conducting this review, the panel has recognized the special status of studies of child maltreatment. The experience of child abuse or neglect from any perspective, including victim, perpetrator, professional, or witness, elicits strong emotions that may distort the design, interpretation, or support of empirical studies. The role of the media in dramatizing selected cases of child maltreatment has increased public awareness, but it has also produced a climate in which scientific objectivity may be sacrificed in the name of urgency or humane service. Many concerned citizens, legislators, child advocates, and others think we already know enough to address the root causes of child maltreatment. Critical evaluations of treatment and prevention services are not supported due to both a lack of funding and a lack of appreciation for the role that scientific analysis can play in improving the quality of existing services and identifying new opportunities for interventions. The existing research base is small in volume and spread over a wide variety of topics. The contrast between the importance of the problem and the difficulty of approaching it has encouraged the panel to proceed carefully, thoroughly distinguishing suppositions from facts when they appear.

Research on child maltreatment is at a crossroads—we are now in a position to merge this research field with others to incorporate multiple perspectives, broaden research samples, and focus on fundamental issues that have the potential to strengthen, reform, or replace existing public policy and social programs. We have arrived at a point where we can

recognize the complex interplay of forces in the origins and consequences of child abuse and neglect. We also recognize the limitations of our knowledge about the effects of different forms of social interventions (e.g., home visitations, foster care, family treatment programs) for changing the developmental pathways of abuse victims and their families.

The Importance Of A Child-Oriented Framework

The field of child maltreatment studies has often divided research into the types of child maltreatment under consideration (such as physical and sexual abuse, child neglect, and emotional maltreatment). Within each category, researchers and practitioners have examined underlying causes or etiology, consequences, forms of treatment or other interventions, and prevention programs. Each category has developed its own typology and framework of reference terms, and researchers within each category often publish in separate journals and attend separate professional meetings.

Over a decade ago, the National Research Council Committee on Child Development Research and Public Policy published a report titled Services for Children: An Agenda for Research (1981). Commenting on the development of various government services for children, the report noted that observations of children's needs were increasingly distorted by the "unmanageably complex, expensive, and confusing" categorical service structure that had produced fragmented and sometimes contradictory programs to address child health and nutrition requirements (p. 15-16). The committee concluded that the actual experiences of children and their families in different segments of society and the conditions of their homes, neighborhoods, and communities needed more systematic study. The report further noted that we need to learn more about who are the important people in children's lives, including parents, siblings, extended family, friends, and caretakers outside the family, and what these people do for children, when, and where.

These same conclusions can be applied to studies of child maltreatment. Our panel considered, but did not endorse, a framework that would emphasize differences in the categories of child abuse or neglect. We also considered a framework that would highlight differences in the current system of detecting, investigating, or responding to child maltreatment. In contrast to conceptualizing this report in terms of categories of maltreatment or responses of the social system to child maltreatment, the panel presents a child-oriented research agenda that emphasizes the importance of knowing more about the backgrounds and experiences of developing children and their families, within a broader social context that includes their friends, neighborhoods, and communities. This framework stresses the importance of knowing more about the qualitative differences between children who suffer episodic experiences of abuse or neglect and those for whom mal-

treatment is a chronic part of their lives. And this approach highlights the need to know more about circumstances that affect the consequences, and therefore the treatment, of child maltreatment, especially circumstances that may be affected by family, cultural, or ethnic factors that often remain hidden in small, isolated studies.

An Ecological Developmental Perspective

The panel has adopted an ecological developmental perspective to examine factors in the child, family, or society that can exacerbate or mitigate the incidence and destructive consequences of child maltreatment. In the panel's view, this perspective reflects the understanding that development is a process involving transactions between the growing child and the social environment or ecology in which development takes place. Positive and negative factors merit attention in shaping a research agenda on child maltreatment. We have adopted a perspective that recognizes that dysfunctional families are often part of a dysfunctional environment.

The relevance of child maltreatment research to child development studies and other research fields is only now being examined. New methodologies and new theories of child maltreatment that incorporate a developmental perspective can provide opportunities for researchers to consider the interaction of multiple factors, rather than focusing on single causes or short-term effects. What is required is the mobilization of new structures of support and resources to concentrate research efforts on significant areas that offer the greatest promise of improving our understanding of, and our responses to, child abuse and neglect.

Our report extends beyond what is, to what could be, in a society that fosters healthy development in children and families. We cannot simply build a research agenda for the existing social system; we need to develop one that independently challenges the system to adapt to new perspectives, new insights, and new discoveries.

The fundamental theme of the report is the recognition that research efforts to address child maltreatment should be enhanced and incorporated into a long-term plan to improve the quality of children's lives and the lives of their families. By placing maltreatment within the framework of healthy development, for example, we can identify unique sources of intervention for infants, preschool children, school-age children, and adolescents.

Each stage of development presents challenges that must be resolved in order for a child to achieve productive forms of thinking, perceiving, and behaving as an adult. The special needs of a newborn infant significantly differ from those of a toddler or preschool child. Children in the early years of elementary school have different skills and distinct experiential levels from those of preadolescent years. Adolescent boys and girls demon-

strate a range of awkward and exploratory behaviors as they acquire basic social skills necessary to move forward into adult life. Most important, developmental research has identified the significant influences of family, schools, peers, neighborhoods, and the broader society in supporting or constricting child development.

Understanding the phenomenon of child abuse and neglect within a developmental perspective poses special challenges. As noted earlier, research literature on child abuse and neglect is generally organized by the category or type of maltreatment; integrated efforts have not yet been achieved. For example, research has not yet compared and contrasted the causes of physical and sexual abuse of a preschool child or the differences between emotional maltreatment of toddlers and adolescents, although all these examples fall within the domain of child maltreatment. A broader conceptual framework for research will elicit data that can facilitate such comparative analyses.

By placing research in the framework of factors that foster healthy development, the ecological developmental perspective can enhance understanding of the research agenda for child abuse and neglect. The developmental perspective can improve the quality of treatment and prevention programs, which often focus on particular groups, such as young mothers who demonstrate risk factors for abuse of newborns, or sexual offenders who molest children. There has been little effort to cut across the categorical lines established within these studies to understand points of convergence or divergence in studies on child abuse and neglect.

The ecological developmental perspective can also improve our understanding of the consequences of child abuse and neglect, which may occur with increased or diminished intensity over a developmental cycle, or in different settings such as the family or the school. Initial effects may be easily identified and addressed if the abuse is detected early in the child's development, and medical and psychological services are available for the victim and the family. Undetected incidents, or childhood experiences discovered later in adult life, require different forms of treatment and intervention. In many cases, incidents of abuse and neglect may go undetected and unreported, yet the child victim may display aggression, delinquency, substance addiction, or other problem behaviors that stimulate responses within the social system.

Finally, an ecological developmental perspective can enhance intervention and prevention programs by identifying different requirements and potential effects for different age groups. Children at separate stages of their developmental cycle have special coping mechanisms that present barriers to—and opportunities for—the treatment and prevention of child abuse and neglect. Intervention programs need to consider the extent to which children may have already experienced some form of maltreatment in order to

evaluate successful outcomes. In addition, the perspective facilitates evaluation of which settings are the most promising locus for interventions.

Previous Reports

A series of national reports associated with the health and welfare of children have been published in the past decade, many of which have identified the issue of child abuse and neglect as one that deserves sustained attention and creative programmatic solutions. In their 1991 report, Beyond Rhetoric , the National Commission on Children noted that the fragmentation of social services has resulted in the nation's children being served on the basis of their most obvious condition or problem rather than being served on the basis of multiple needs. Although the needs of these children are often the same and are often broader than the mission of any single agency emotionally disturbed children are often served by the mental health system, delinquent children by the juvenile justice system, and abused or neglected children by the protective services system (National Commission on Children, 1991). In their report, the commission called for the protection of abused and neglected children through more comprehensive child protective services, with a strong emphasis on efforts to keep children with their families or to provide permanent placement for those removed from their homes.

In setting health goals for the year 2000, the Public Health Service recognized the problem of child maltreatment and recommended improvements in reporting and diagnostic services, and prevention and educational interventions (U.S. Public Health Service, 1990). For example, the report, Health People 2000 , described the four types of child maltreatment and recommended that the rising incidence (identified as 25.2 per 1,000 in 1986) should be reversed to less than 25.2 in the year 2000. These public health targets are stated as reversing increasing trends rather than achieving specific reductions because of difficulties in obtaining valid and reliable measures of child maltreatment. The report also included recommendations to expand the implementation of state level review systems for unexplained child deaths, and to increase the number of states in which at least 50 percent of children who are victims of physical or sexual abuse receive appropriate treatment and follow-up evaluations as a means of breaking the intergenerational cycle of abuse.

The U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect issued reports in 1990 and 1991 which include national policy and research recommendations. The 1991 report presented a range of research options for action, highlighting the following priorities (U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1991:110-113):

To increase general knowledge about the causes, precipitants, consequences, prevention, and treatment of child abuse and neglect;

To increase knowledge about the child protection system;

To increase specific knowledge about the social and cultural factors related to child maltreatment;

To increase human resources in the field of research on child abuse and neglect;

To ensure that procedures for stimulation and analysis of research on child abuse and neglect are scientifically credible;

To facilitate the planning of research; and

To reduce obstacles to the generation of knowledge about child abuse and neglect.

This report differs from those described above because its primary focus is on establishing a research agenda for the field of studies on child abuse and neglect. In contrast to the mandate of the U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect, the panel was not asked to prepare policy recommendations for federal and state governments in developing child maltreatment legislation and programs. The panel is clearly aware of the need for services for abused and neglected children and of the difficult policy issues that must be considered by the Congress, the federal government, the states, and municipal governments in responding to the distress of children and families in crisis. The charge to this panel was to design a research agenda that would foster the development of scientific knowledge that would provide fundamental insights into the causes, identification, incidence, consequences, treatment, and prevention of child maltreatment. This knowledge can enable public and private officials to execute their responsibilities more effectively, more equitably, and more compassionately and empower families and communities to resolve their problems and conflicts in a manner that strengthens their internal resources and reduces the need for external interventions.

Report Overview

Early studies on child abuse and neglect evolved from a medical or pathogenic model, and research focused on specific contributing factors or causal sources within the individual offender to be discovered, addressed, and prevented. With the development of research on child maltreatment over the past several decades, however, the complexity of the phenomena encompassed by the terms child abuse and neglect or child maltreatment has become apparent. Clinical studies that began with small sample sizes and weak methodological designs have gradually evolved into larger and longer-term projects with hundreds of research subjects and sound instrumentation.

Although the pathogenic model remains popular among the general public in explaining the sources of child maltreatment, it is limited by its primary focus on risk and protective factors within the individual. Research investigators now recognize that individual behaviors are often influenced by factors in the family, community, and society as a whole. Elements from these systems are now being integrated into more complex theories that analyze the roles of interacting risk and protective factors to explain and understand the phenomena associated with child maltreatment.

In the past, research on child abuse and neglect has developed within a categorical framework that classifies the research by the type of maltreatment typically as reported in administrative records. Although the quality of research within different categories of child abuse and neglect is uneven and problems of definitions, data collection, and study design continue to characterize much research in this field, the panel concluded that enough progress has been achieved to integrate the four categories of maltreatment into a child-oriented framework that could analyze the similarities and differences of research findings. Rather than encouraging the continuation of a categorical approach that would separate research on physical or sexual abuse, for example, the panel sought to develop for research sponsors and the research community a set of priorities that would foster the integration of scientific findings, encourage the development of comparative analyses, and also distinguish key research themes in such areas as identification, incidence, etiology, prevention, consequences, and treatment. This approach recognizes the need for the construction of collaborative, long-term efforts between public and private research sponsors and research investigators to strengthen the knowledge base, to integrate studies that have evolved for different types of child maltreatment, and eventually to reduce the problem of child maltreatment. This approach also highlights the connections that need to be made between research on the causes and the prevention of child maltreatment, for the more we learn about the origins of child abuse and neglect, the more effective we can be in seeking to prevent it. In the same manner, the report emphasises the connections that need to be made between research on the consequences and treatment of child maltreatment, for knowledge about the effects of child abuse and neglect can guide the development of interventions to address these effects.

In constructing this report, the panel has considered eight broad areas: Identification and definitions of child abuse and neglect (Chapter 2) Incidence: The scope of the problem (Chapter 3) Etiology of child maltreatment (Chapter 4) Prevention of child maltreatment (Chapter 5) Consequences of child maltreatment (Chapter 6) Treatment of child maltreatment (Chapter 7)

Human resources, instrumentation, and research infrastructure (Chapter 8) Ethical and legal issue in child maltreatment research (Chapter 9)

Each chapter includes key research recommendations within the topic under review. The final chapter of the report (Chapter 10) establishes a framework of research priorities derived by the panel from these recommendations. The four main categories identified within this framework—research on the nature and scope of child maltreatment; research on the origins and consequences of child maltreatment; research on the strengths and limitations of existing interventions; and the need for a science policy for child maltreatment research—provide the priorities that the panel has selected as the most important to address in the decade ahead.

1. The panel received an anecdotal report, for example, that one federal research agency systematically changed titles of its research awards over a decade ago, replacing phrases such as child abuse with references to maternal and child health care, after political sensitivities developed regarding the appropriateness of its research program in this area.

Bell, D.A. 1992 Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism . New York: Basic Books.

Children's Defense Fund 1991 The State of America's Children . Washington, DC: The Children's Defense Fund.

Daro, D. 1988 Confronting Child Abuse: Research for Effective Program Design . New York: The Free Press, Macmillan. Cited in the General Accounting Office, 1992. Child Abuse: Prevention Programs Need Greater Emphasis. GAO/HRD-92-99.

Daro, D., and K. McCurdy 1991 Current Trends in Child Abuse Reporting and Fatalities: The Results of the 1990 Annual Fifty State Survey . Chicago: National Committee for Prevention of Child Abuse.

Fuchs, V.R., and D.M. Reklis 1992 America's children: Economic perspectives and policy options. Science 255:41-46.

General Accounting Office 1991 Child Abuse Prevention: Status of the Challenge Grant Program . May. GAO:HRD91-95. Washington, DC.

Huston, A.C., ed. 1991 Children in Poverty: Child Development and Public Policy . New York: Cambridge University Press.

Kempe, C.H., F.N. Silverman, B. Steele, W. Droegemueller, and H.R. Silver 1962 The battered child syndrome. Journal of the American Medical Association 181(1): 17-24.

McClain, P.W., J.J. Sacks, R.G. Froehlke, and B.G. Ewigman 1993 Estimates of fatal child abuse and neglect, United States, 1979 through 1988. Pediatrics 91(2):338-343.

National Commission on Children 1991 Beyond Rhetoric: A New American Agenda for Children and Families . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

National Research Council 1981 Services for Children: An Agenda for Research . Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect 1990 Child Abuse and Neglect: Critical First Steps in Response to a National Emergency . August. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. August. 1991 Creating Caring Communities . September. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

U.S. Public Health Service 1990 Violent and abusive behavior. Pp. 226-247 (Chapter 7) in Healthy People 2000 Report . Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

The tragedy of child abuse and neglect is in the forefront of public attention. Yet, without a conceptual framework, research in this area has been highly fragmented. Understanding the broad dimensions of this crisis has suffered as a result.

This new volume provides a comprehensive, integrated, child-oriented research agenda for the nation. The committee presents an overview of three major areas:

  • Definitions and scope —exploring standardized classifications, analysis of incidence and prevalence trends, and more.
  • Etiology, consequences, treatment, and prevention —analyzing relationships between cause and effect, reviewing prevention research with a unique systems approach, looking at short- and long-term consequences of abuse, and evaluating interventions.
  • Infrastructure and ethics —including a review of current research efforts, ways to strengthen human resources and research tools, and guidance on sensitive ethical and legal issues.

This volume will be useful to organizations involved in research, social service agencies, child advocacy groups, and researchers.

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  • FRONT MATTER i–xii
  • SUMMARY 1–37
  • 1 INTRODUCTION 38–56

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Works Cited

  • “Child Emotion and Psychological abuse.” Legg, Timothy https://www.healthline.com/health/child-neglect-and-psychological-abuse
  • “Child Maltreatment in the U.S.” https://americanspcc.org/child-abuse-statistics/
  • “Child Abuse and Neglect” https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/childabuseandneglect/index.html
  • “Trials of Gabriel Fernandez” Verhoeven, Beatrice https://www.thewrap.com/trials-of-gabriel-fernandez-most-shocking-details/ (Streamed show on Netflix)
  • “John Wayne Gacy” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Wayne_Gacy, https://www.biography.com/crime-figure/john-wayne-gacy
  • “Aileen Wuornos” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aileen_Wuornos, https://www.biography.com/crime-figure/aileen-wuornos
  • “Facts about Child Abuse” https://www.compassion.com/poverty/child-abuse.htm
  • “What is Child Abuse?” https://www.childhelp.org/child-abuse/
  • “Child Abuse Signs” https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubPDFs/whatiscan.pdf#page=4&view=Recognizing%20signs%20of%20abuse%20and%20neglect%20and%20when%20to%20report
  • “Facts and Myths of Child Abuse” Smith, Melinda https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubPDFs/whatiscan.pdf#page=4&view=Recognizing%20signs%20of%20abuse%20and%20neglect%20and%20when%20to%20report
  • “Ten Ways to Prevent Child Abuse” https://preventchildabuse.org/resource/ten-ways-to-help-prevent-child-abuse/

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Good Example Of Thesis Statement On Child Abuse

Type of paper: Thesis Statement

Topic: Children , Child , Family , Abuse , Violence , Bullying , Child Abuse , Parents

Published: 03/08/2023

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Child abuse is a concern to everyone. It involves child maltreatment of a child who is below 18 years by a caregiver, parent or any custodian. Notably, child abuse can be physical, psychological, neglect or sexual. Ideally, concern is to check why cases of child abuse often occur. The potential or actual occurrence of child abuse is questionable. The failure of either the guardian or the parent to act in a manner that may result in child abuse is devastating. According to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), cases of child abuse are reported daily across the world ( Petersen et al., 2014). The organization seeks to prevent any potential child abuse. Ideally, the most vulnerable group concern the young children aged below three years making 27% of the reported cases. Child preventive services (CPS) reported 702,000 victims in 2014. Arguably, some parents are not conscious that they are abusing their children. Coherently, subjecting children to dangerous environments, unsupervised situation or making children feel unwanted or stupid is child abuse. Child abuse has extreme consequences. It influences the child’s perception of life, affect relation with others and a drop in performance is registered. Additionally, child abuse is adverse since it tampers with the child’s self-esteem (Petersen et al., 2014). Some peculiar cases have seen children developing the habit of bullying others as a way of fighting back. Others become too calm and become victims of bullies in schools. Similarly, it is paramount to check the earliest signs of child abuse. Parents may have domestic quarrels that result to child maltreatment. Further, poverty level may be contributing factor since parents feel the burden and hence neglect the children’s needs (Invernizzi & Williams, 2011). Notably, the extent of inflicting children on physical abuse could be attached to the caregivers when the parent are not around. Conclusively, the extensive result should be done to find solutions to children’s plight other than enacting laws. Children need maximum protection and care from the state and the parents.

Petersen, A. C., Joseph, J., Feit, M. N., National Research Council (U.S.), & National Research Council (U.S.). (2014). New directions in child abuse and neglect research. Invernizzi, A., & Williams, J. M. (2011). The human rights of children: From visions to implementation. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub.

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Thesis Statements: Examples

  • Where Do Theses Come From?

Bullying in elementary schools is getting worse, because children model what they see at home and there are more cases of physical and emotional child abuse, and this causes various emotional problems in children.

In order to be truly effective, anti-bullying policies should focus on the home life of the bully, because of the strong connection between parental actions and attitudes and the way a student treats his or her peers.

Explanation

The first example tries to cover too many topics: bullying is getting worse, bullying is related to the student's home life, and bullying causes various emotional problems in children.  The second example focuses only on the connection between a student's home life and tendency towards bullying.

Abortion is a terrible practice that only deranged, baby-killing monsters would advocate under the guise of being pro-choice.

Despite the appeal of freedom of choice, the legalization of abortion has been detrimental to the well-being of women in America.

The first example states a strong opinion, but does not offer any facts to back it up.  The explosive language is likely to alienate even readers who may have been sympathetic to the writer's position.  The second example promises to offer a rational, if still opinioned, look at the issue.

Texting your sister who is in the next room to ask her to bring you your backpack means that you should get a life.

The use of technology to replace face to face communication increases the feeling of isolation among American youth.

The first statement is too specific to be a thesis statement.  If reworded for a more academic structure, the specific anecdote could be used to prove a broader point, but, as it is, the author would have difficulty writing an entire paper about this one incident.  The second thesis statement is broad enough that an entire paper could be written about it.

The government should legalize the use of marijuana.

The governement should legalize the use of marijuana in order to benefit from sales taxes of the drug and in order to make it more easily available to people who need it for medical reasons.

The first statement is debatable, but gives no sign that the author has any reasons for making such a statement.  The second thesis statement offers logical reasons, which the reader can assume the author will expound upon in the rest of the paper.

People who are healthy and have healthy organs should be allowed to find other people in need of organs that they don't need, like a kidney, and sell them to the other people because that could save lives if a financial incentive was offered, instead of just relying on people's charity.

The purchase and sale of organs should be legalized in order to better facilitate the saving of lives.

More words don't always make a better thesis.  The second thesis statement is much clearer.  The example of the first thesis statement could be included earlier in the paragraph to help illustrate what is being argued, especially since the subject matter is rather unusual.

Beauty contests are sexist and detrimental to society, and they should be banned everywhere. 

Beauty contests, while they may increase confidence in those who perform in them, can be sexist and harmful because they encourage objectification of women and put an overemphasis on physical appearance. 

The first example is too simple and opinionated. The writer gives his or her point of view, but does not back it up with reasons or facts -- it is just stated. It also offers an overly simplified and extreme solution to the problem. The second example, while still offering a concrete opinion on the subject, gives reasons for this view. The writer is informing the reader of how he or she will go about defending his or her stance. 

Smoking causes lung damage and other health problems. 

Smoking should be made illegal in the United States because of the health problems that it causes. 

The first example is not a point that can be argued against; it is widely known and accepted that smoking is unhealthy. Why write a paper explaining something that everybody already knows and agrees about? The second example can be argued, however: making smoking illegal is one possible solution to the problem, but it still needs to have evidence and argument to back it up because not everybody believes that this is a good solution. 

Exams are not the best way to determine academic successs. 

Exams determine students' talent at test-taking and recall rather than their actual understanding of the material; therefore, instead of exams alone, instructors should employ several different ways of measuring student success, including papers and projects.  

The first example is too broad; it is more of a general topic rather than a thesis. The second example is much more specific. It narrows the thesis down from the problem itself to the solution to the problem. 

Prompt: Describe a character from the movie who shows compassion.

Jack shows compassion.

Jack shows compassion through his kind words, his selfless volunteering, and his forgiveness of Alicia's quick temper.

The first example simply uses the prompt as the thesis statement.  The second example offers support for the statement, preparing the reader for an essay about how Jack's kind words, selfless volunteering and forgiveness show his compassion.

One thing I am going to talk about today is one thing that happened to me one time when I was on this one trip at a place that I was staying at for a certain amount of time. 

Standing on a mountain-top in Israel was an experience that redefined my faith and helped me decide to become an archeologist.

The first example is very vague, providing the reader with almost no information.  The second example gives the reader a clear idea of what the essay is going to be about.  The first example also announces what the author plans to do.  It is much better to launch right into the essay, thereby demosntrating to the reader the purpose of the essay.

  • << Previous: Where Do Theses Come From?
  • Last Updated: May 17, 2023 3:15 PM
  • URL: https://libguides.grace.edu/thesisstatements

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Committee on Child Maltreatment Research, Policy, and Practice for the Next Decade: Phase II; Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Institute of Medicine; National Research Council; Petersen AC, Joseph J, Feit M, editors. New Directions in Child Abuse and Neglect Research. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2014 Mar 25.

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New Directions in Child Abuse and Neglect Research.

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2 Describing the Problem

Child abuse and neglect is well established as an important societal concern with significant ramifications for the affected children, their families, and society at large (see Chapter 4 ). A critical step in devising effective responses is reasonable agreement on the definition of the problem and its scope. Yet achieving clarity in the area of child abuse and neglect has been an ongoing challenge. Legal definitions vary across states; researchers apply diverse standards in determining incidence and prevalence rates in clinical and population-based studies; and substantial obstacles hamper learning about the experiences of children, especially young children, with caregiver-inflicted abuse or neglect. As a result, definitions of the characteristics of the problem and determinations of its scope will differ depending on the data source used for analysis. This challenge was articulated in the 1993 National Research Council (NRC) report ( NRC, 1993 ) and continues to impede a full understanding of the nature of the child abuse and neglect problem. The purpose of this chapter is to describe briefly what is known about the problem from current data sources and to highlight issues that remain problematic, as well as identify areas in which advances have been made. The chapter addresses, in turn, definitions of child abuse and neglect, incidence rates and the problem of underreporting, trends in the incidence of child abuse and neglect, and how cases are determined by medical and mental health professionals and the legal system. The final section presents conclusions.

  • DEFINITIONS

A key definition of child abuse and neglect is contained in Section 3 of the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) 1 :

At a minimum, any recent act or set of acts or failure to act on the part of a parent or caretaker, which results in death, serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse or exploitation, or an act or failure to act, which presents an imminent risk of serious harm.

This definition is especially important because it is enshrined in federal legislation. To be eligible to receive funding under Section 106 2 of the act, states must, at a minimum, include the conduct described in Section 3 in their state child abuse and neglect authorizing legislation. All 50 states, as well as American Samoa, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, the District of Columbia, Guam, and the Virgin Islands, have mandatory child abuse and neglect reporting laws that define the terms slightly differently for their jurisdiction and lay out the requirements for mandatory reporting ( CWIG, 2011 ). Federal law defines child abuse and neglect and identifies reporting requirements on tribal lands 3 (see CWIG, 2012b , for further information) and on military installations 4 (see Military OneSource, n.d., for further information); in some circumstances, state laws on child abuse and neglect reporting also apply to tribal lands and military installations. The Victims of Child Abuse Act 5 (also see Chapter 8 ) lays out requirements for reporting child abuse that occurs on federal lands and in federal facilities.

The National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) is the official government data source to which all states must contribute information about child abuse and neglect reports. To collect data on reported and confirmed cases of child abuse and neglect uniformly from all states, NCANDS provides the following somewhat more comprehensive definition of child abuse and neglect:

An act or failure to act by a parent, caregiver, or other person as defined under State law that results in physical abuse, neglect, medical neglect, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, or an act or failure to act which presents an imminent risk of harm to a child. ( ACF, 2012 )

Many states, reflecting the words “at a minimum” in CAPTA, have more expansive definitions of the conduct that legally constitutes child abuse and neglect for purposes of mandatory reporting. In some states, for example, only conduct by current caregivers is defined as reportable child abuse and neglect; in other states, the conduct must be reported regardless of the perpetrator's relationship to the child. Pennsylvania, for example, considers only acts of abuse as reportable acts of maltreatment and uses a different mechanism for capturing neglect. CAPTA permits states to limit reporting to “recent” acts, but most states have no time limit on when the conduct occurred for the mandatory reporting requirement to be invoked. A summary of the differences in states' child abuse and neglect reporting laws is available ( CWIG, 2011 ).

How child abuse and child neglect are defined and who is obligated to report them are subject to changes in awareness or level of concern about possible abuse- and neglect-related hazards faced by children. It is common for a specific case, especially one involving an egregious situation not addressed by extant law, to prompt advocacy for legislative change ( Gainsborough, 2010 ). Newly identified problem areas, changes in societal consensus about child protection, and revelations that certain groups of professionals are not included in mandatory reporting laws are typical scenarios for bringing about statutory reforms. In 2012, 107 bills addressing child abuse and neglect reporting were introduced in 30 states and the District of Columbia ( NCSL, 2012 ). For example, a number of states expanded mandatory reporting to apply to university employees in response to the Penn State Sandusky scandal.

In some cases, such changes have unintended consequences. An example is the occasional inclusion of exposure to domestic violence as a statutorily specified form of reportable child abuse and neglect, a result of increasing awareness of the association between domestic violence and child abuse and neglect and concern for the welfare of children exposed to this violence, so that affected children would receive protection and services. The Minnesota state legislature instituted such a change in 1999. The result was a dramatic increase in the number of referrals, emanating mainly from law enforcement officials who responded to reports of domestic violence and, as mandated, reported the family to child protective services. Parents, primarily mothers, who themselves were victims of domestic violence thus became the subjects of neglect reports based on their alleged failure to protect their children from exposure to the violence. This was not the intent of the legislation, and the provision was quickly rescinded ( Edleson et al., 2006 ).

Child abuse and neglect laws are for the most part concerned with parental behaviors of omission or commission that place children in jeopardy. Acts of omission usually are characterized as neglect. They include failing to provide adequate supervision; not protecting children from known dangers; and not providing for basic needs, such as proper medical care, adequate food and clothing, safe/hygienic shelter, and school attendance. Child neglect reports may also be made in some states if a child is born affected by illegal drug or alcohol abuse by the mother or if a child is living where drugs are being manufactured and/or distributed.

Child abuse, on the other hand, refers to acts of commission by a caregiver. Physical abuse encompasses physical assaults that exceed permitted corporal punishment. States may define explicitly the types of behavior that fall in this category. In some cases for example, the age of the child may determine whether a behavior is acceptable discipline (e.g., slapping an infant versus an older child across the face). Sexual abuse generally includes the range of sexual behaviors that are defined by criminal statutes, including sexual exposure, sexual touching, rape, and sexual exploitation. Emotionally abusive behaviors include threatening, terrorizing, or deliberately frightening a child; rejecting, ridiculing, shaming, or humiliating behaviors; extreme isolating or restricting behaviors; and corruption or encouraging involvement in illegal behaviors. However, of the 48 states that mention emotional abuse in law, only Delaware identifies specific emotionally abusive caregiver behaviors; most states define emotional abuse by its impact on the child's mental health ( CWIG, 2011 ). Because the involvement of the child protection system focuses on caregivers, cases of abuse committed by non-family members or siblings may be classified as neglect. In those cases, it is the presumed or alleged failure of the caregiver to protect the child that drives the designation. For example, the majority of sexual abuse and a notable proportion of serious physical abuse cases involve non-family members as perpetrators ( Finkelhor and Dziuba-Leatherman, 1994 ). Instances of abuse committed by a non-family member, a sibling, or another person regularly present in the household are classified as neglect if it is determined that the caregiver failed to protect the child victim from that individual.

As noted, child abuse and neglect laws also vary in how mandated reporters are defined. Some states define all adult citizens as mandated reporters, but most specify certain groups of professionals and others who work with children ( CWIG, 2012a ). State laws usually exempt from a reporting obligation priests acting in the role of receiving confession; states vary, however, as to whether reporting is required of priests or pastors acting in other capacities. Regardless of the groups specified, anyone not listed as a mandated reporter can still make a report. Both mandated reporters and others are legally protected for good faith reports, while mandated reporters who fail to report may be prosecuted for that failure. No evidence-based research has assessed whether the breadth of inclusion in mandatory reporting laws makes a difference in rates of reporting, although it may affect substantiation rates ( McElroy, 2012 ; also see the discussion of mandatory reporting laws in Chapter 8 ).

Some acts of child abuse and neglect are also crimes. The specific statutory definitions and names of those crimes vary by state, but in general, criminal statutes cover the same acts in all states. Sexual abuse is always a crime; most cases are classified as felonies. Physical abuse is a crime unless the behavior falls within the discipline exception for corporal punishment. Most cases of physical abuse are likely to be classified as misdemeanors unless a child is seriously injured or dies. A minority of neglect cases involve criminal conduct. When the failure to supervise, protect, or provide care for a child rises to a certain level of negligent treatment, it may meet the criteria for violation of criminal codes (e.g., child endangerment or criminal neglect) and can be prosecuted. Just because child abuse and neglect falls within the statutory definition of a crime, however, does not mean it will be fully investigated by law enforcement and prosecuted. Law enforcement investigations and prosecutions tend to focus on sexual abuse and on serious physical abuse and very serious neglect that have resulted in a child's experiencing physical harm or death (e.g., starvation, inflicted medical trauma).

As with state laws, child abuse and neglect is defined in various ways for research purposes. The National Incidence Study (NIS)-4 ( Sedlak et al., 2010a ) applies two definitional standards: a harm standard and an endangerment standard. The harm standard is restricted to cases in which children have been harmed by child abuse and neglect, whereas the endangerment standard encompasses children who have not yet been harmed under certain circumstances. The numbers vary depending on which definition is used (NIS-4 harm standard = 1.25 million children; endangerment standard = 3 million children). Under both standards, alleged instances of abuse or neglect are classified according to eight major categories. Table 2-1 lists actions or failures to act that are representative of each type of abuse or neglect and, for the purposes of this chapter, provides examples of how these forms of maltreatment can be defined in a research setting.

TABLE 2-1. National Incidence Study (NIS)-4 Abuse and Neglect Classifications.

National Incidence Study (NIS)-4 Abuse and Neglect Classifications.

A widely used method of defining child abuse and neglect in research is the classification scheme developed by Barnett and colleagues (1993) . Many studies focused specifically on child abuse and neglect use these definitions rather than the officially reported labels (e.g., English et al., 2005 ). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) also has recommended a set of uniform definitions for public health purposes to allow for monitoring of incidence over time and detection of trends ( Leeb et al., 2008 ). Notably, both the classification scheme developed by Barnett and colleagues and the CDC recommendations are designed for analysis of existing information from public sources, primarily child protective services case records.

Slack and colleagues (2003) note that research definitions developed for analysis of child protective services case records may not be applicable to survey research. They argue that these definitions may capture risk factors associated with the detection of child abuse and neglect rather than risk factors associated with the commission of child abuse and neglect. They have built on the framework created by Barnett and colleagues (1993) to develop a set of research definitions for neglect that they intend for use in survey research.

Likewise, other investigators develop their own study-specific designations. These definitions vary in comprehensiveness and behavioral specificity. For example, a study not focused specifically on child abuse and neglect but interested in it as one of many independent variables may use a single general question to get at the construct.

Finding: Child abuse and neglect are defined differently for different purposes. Legal definitions at the state level are properly subject to the legislative process. In research, however, the variability in definitions compromises learning the true scope and characteristics of the problem, understanding trends over time, and determining the relationship between child abuse and neglect and various outcomes. Finding: State laws vary in what groups are specified as mandated reporters of child abuse and neglect. No evidence-based research has assessed whether the breadth of inclusion in mandatory reporting laws makes a difference in rates of reporting, although it may affect substantiation rates.
  • INCIDENCE RATES AND THE PROBLEM OF UNDERREPORTING

Determining the true incidence of child abuse and neglect is problematic for the same reason encountered in attempting to quantify any social problem: discrepancies between actual rates and the number of cases reported to authorities. It is well established that most crimes (the exception being homicide) are not reported ( Langton et al., 2012 ). Data on the incidence of child abuse and neglect are derived from three primary sources: NCANDS, the official reporting system for cases of child abuse and neglect referred to state child protective services; two U.S. government surveys—the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) system, administered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), administered by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) to a large representative sample of U.S. citizens aged 12 and older; and the NIS, a study conducted every decade by the Department of Health and Human Services on a nationally representative sample that captures both cases of abuse and neglect reported to child protective services and unreported cases identified by professionals working with children.

National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System

Each state receiving a federal Basic State Grant for child abuse and neglect prevention and treatment programs is required to submit data annually to NCANDS. 6 In fiscal year (FY) 2011, all states, the District of Columbia, and all territories contributed to NCANDS counts of the number of cases referred to child protective services, the number accepted for investigation, the number substantiated, the case characteristics, and the case outcomes. As previously noted, the definitions of child abuse and neglect used by child protective services vary by state, as do reporting requirements. Because NCANDS collects information from child protective services case files in each state, the data reflect inconsistencies in state-level definitions of types of maltreatment, reporting requirements, and procedures for responding to reports of child abuse and neglect.

NCANDS reports are issued annually. According to the FY 2011 NCANDS report ( ACF, 2012 ), there were 3.4 million referrals involving 6.2 million children; some of the children were the subject of more than one referral. Nationally, more than three-quarters of these cases are classified as neglect, 18 percent as physical abuse, and 9 percent as sexual abuse. The specific rates vary among states but overall reflect the general pattern that a substantial majority of cases are neglect, with physical and sexual abuse representing much smaller groups.

Based on NCANDS, victims of child abuse and neglect are approximately evenly divided between males and females. The highest rates of child abuse and neglect occur among the very youngest children (see Table 2-2 ). Perpetrators are mainly parents (81 percent) and among parents are primarily biological parents (88 percent), which reflects the legal definition for reportable cases. Somewhat more than half of perpetrators are female ( ACF, 2012 ). These demographic characteristics are also reflected in other data sources, such as the NIS-4 ( Sedlak et al., 2010a ).

TABLE 2-2. Child Maltreatment Cases/Victims, Rates per Thousand Population Ages 0-17, by Various Characteristics, 2002-2011.

Child Maltreatment Cases/Victims, Rates per Thousand Population Ages 0-17, by Various Characteristics, 2002-2011.

In FY 2011, NCANDS reported 1,545 child fatalities resulting from abuse and neglect. Again, young children were at greatest risk: 80 percent of victims were less than 4 years old. Deaths were higher among boys than girls. About 70 percent of the fatalities are associated with neglect and nearly half are attributed to physical abuse, either exclusively or in combination. A Government Accountability Office ( GAO, 2011 ) report notes that the NCANDS method relies only on cases reported to child protective services for these figures. The report states that not all child fatalities due to abuse and neglect are known to the child welfare system, suggesting that the actual figure is likely higher, although it acknowledges the difficulty of obtaining an accurate count.

An important limitation of NCANDS is that it does not capture accurate rates of child abuse and neglect among American Indian children. Only states submit information to NCANDS; there are no mechanisms for tribal child welfare systems to submit data to the system. American Indian and Alaska Native families and children whose cases are reported to and investigated by state child protection authorities and who self-identify as American Indian or Alaska Native are included in NCANDS. Children served by tribal child welfare systems, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, or the Indian Health Service are not. Thus, “it is estimated that 40 percent of all cases of child abuse and neglect among American Indian and Alaska Native children are not reported to NCANDS” ( Cross and Simmons, 2008 , p. 3; also see Earle and Cross, 2001 ). NCANDS is further limited in its ability to reveal the levels of abuse and neglect suffered by American Indian and Alaska Native children by the fact that state or county employees, rather than tribal workers, collect the data reported to NCANDS. Therefore, not only does NCANDS lack data on many cases that occur on tribal lands, but the data it does include may be flawed because non-Native workers with American Indian or Alaska Native culture often are tasked with making determinations of abuse or neglect in such settings ( Fox, 2004 ).

U.S. Government Surveys

The U.S. government uses the two surveys noted above to learn about crime rates. The UCR covers crimes reported to police, whereas the NCVS is a household survey of a large representative sample of individuals aged 12 and older that asks about both reported and unreported crimes. Self-reported rates of crime victimization frequently are several times the rates of official reports, with the discrepancies being especially high for sexual assault.

The ability of such surveys to capture cases accurately hinges, in part, on how the question is asked. Using official terminology or labels for acts of child abuse and neglect requires respondents to label their own experiences as abusive or neglectful. In some cases, respondents may not know the official definitions or exactly what they encompass. For example, many children and adults may consider hitting a child with a belt appropriate corporal punishment. In other cases, the victim may be reluctant to define what happened as abusive. For example, evidence suggests that labeling acts as intentionally abusive is associated with increased distress in children ( Kolko et al., 2002 ).

These labeling considerations are particularly acute in cases of sexual assault. Asking a single question—such as “Have you ever been raped?”—yields far fewer responses than a series of behaviorally specific questions about acts that meet the legal definition of sexual abuse and rape. For example, rates of endorsement of child sexual abuse in self-report research vary substantially based on how the question is posed. A meta-analysis of studies that used self-report surveys to examine childhood sexual abuse experiences around the world found that differences in the way sexual abuse was defined and the specific questions asked produced dramatically different rates of sexual abuse prevalence ( Stoltenborgh et al., 2011 ).

In addition to these survey design issues, the point in time and circumstances under which respondents provide information about child abuse and neglect are crucial. Surveys of adults about their childhood experiences may yield very different rates than surveys of children. For example, population-based telephone interviews of youth aged 10 and older provide extensive information about self-reported victimization and exposure to violence ( Finkelhor, 2009 ; Kilpatrick and Saunders, 1995 ). However, the rates of intrafamilial sexual and physical abuse reported in these studies are relatively low compared with the rates reported among adult samples when asked their childhood abuse experiences. Children may be less likely to report intrafamilial crimes when they are still children and are living at home.

Another method of learning about child abuse and neglect is asking adults about their behavior toward their children. Surveys using the Conflict Tactics Scale can provide a picture of self-reported corporal punishment and parental acts that would meet legal criteria for child physical abuse ( Straus and Stewart, 1999 ; Straus et al., 1998 ; Theodore et al., 2005 ). This method has the obvious limitation, however, that even when responding to anonymous surveys, parents may underreport socially undesirable or illegal acts.

Discrepancies between official reports and child and adult self-reports can be in either direction. Children or adults may not define their experiences as child abuse and neglect because they do not know better or believe the conduct was deserved or acceptable, or because of the distress associated with reporting that caregivers are behaving abusively toward them. Adults may not define their own behavior as abusive or neglectful because of fears of being reported, social undesirability, or shame about the conduct. On the other hand, substantial evidence shows that careful and detailed questioning of children about their experiences produces substantially higher rates than official reports. For example, computer-assisted interviews were used to obtain self-reports of abuse and neglect from a sample of youth aged 12-13 enrolled in a prospective study of high-risk and abused children ( Everson et al., 2008 ). This method yielded rates that were four to six times higher than those in the official child protective services records. At the same time, close to half of adolescents in the sample with confirmed child protective services reports failed to note that experience in the interview.

The National Incidence Study

The NIS is a congressionally mandated report on the incidence of child abuse and neglect that has been issued periodically since 1974 ( OPRE, 2009 ). It estimates national rates of reported and unreported child abuse and neglect based on a representative sample of counties. The study uses official data and also collects information from “sentinels” representing community professionals who may encounter child abuse and neglect victims during the course of their work. The methodology of the NIS is explicitly designed to uncover child abuse and neglect that may not have been reported to authorities but was identified by professionals. The most recent report, issued in 2010, is based on data collected in 2005-2006 ( Sedlak et al., 2010a ). As noted above, the NIS defines child abuse and neglect differently from federal and state law, applying both a harm and an endangerment standard. All cases sampled in the study—both those identified by child protective services agencies and those reported by sentinels—are evaluated to determine whether they meet the definitional standards of the NIS for physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, physical neglect, emotional neglect, and educational neglect. The NIS considers only abuse and neglect perpetrated or permitted by a parent or caregiver, aligning its definitions with those of child protective services.

The primary investigators of the NIS-4 note that findings of differential incidence rates for abuse and neglect of black and white children are limited by the range of risk factors available for analysis in multifactor risk models, which exclude such key elements as neighborhood characteristics, social isolation, substance use, and mental illness ( Sedlak et al., 2010b ). Likewise, many children's records lacked information on socioeconomic status, and the socioeconomic status measures used classified black and white children differently, limiting the utility of the data for examining socioeconomic status as a risk factor for child abuse and neglect.

Reasons for Underreporting

It is well known that not all child abuse and neglect cases come to the attention of authorities at the time they happen. Retrospective reports from adults abused or neglected as children reveal that most cases are not reported to anyone, and fewer still are reported and investigated by child protection workers or law enforcement officials (e.g., Finkelhor, 1994 ; MacMillan et al., 2003 ). Adults abused or neglected as children give a variety of explanations for why they did not tell anyone or make an official report, including not realizing that what was happening was wrong, illegal, or a form of child abuse and having fears or concerns about what would happen if they reported the experience or attempted to seek help.

Child abuse and neglect can sometimes be identified without a child's making a statement about it. Examples include certain types of injuries or medical conditions that are noticed by others or become known to a medical provider. Some types of neglect can also be detected through observable behaviors, such as young children found wandering the streets or coming to school unclean or very disheveled. But detection of many cases of physical abuse and neglect and almost all cases of sexual abuse depends largely on children making statements and adults acting on those statements. The statements may be made spontaneously or may be in response to adult inquiries about behaviors, circumstances, or injuries observed in the children. Once abuse or neglect has been detected, many variables can affect whether adults take action, including personal attitudes and beliefs about what will happen as a result of reporting, the relationship of the adult to the child or the caregiver who may have committed the abuse or neglect, the certainty of the concern about maltreatment, and understanding of the child abuse reporting laws ( Alvarez et al., 2004 ; Khan et al., 2005 ; Sedlak et al., 2010a ).

Therefore, official reports do not capture all instances in which child abuse and neglect is suspected or even is detected and acted upon. For example, adults in a child's life may learn about child abuse and neglect and take informal actions on behalf of the child without necessarily reporting to authorities. Although citizens are protected if they make a good faith report of suspected child abuse or neglect, there are many reasons why they might be hesitant about or deterred from making an official report even if strong evidence or suspicion exists. For example, they may fear retaliation or rejection by the abuser or negative consequences for the child or family. Indeed, despite the fact that relatives, neighbors, and friends are most likely to observe or hear about child abuse or neglect because of their proximity and involvement in children's lives, they account for only a minority (18 percent) of reporters of cases to child protective services ( ACF, 2012 ).

Professionals account for the other three-fifths of child abuse and neglect reports, with teachers (16 percent), law enforcement officials (17 percent), and social service providers (11 percent) making the majority of these reports ( ACF, 2012 ). However, mandated reporters do not always make a report when they suspect child abuse or neglect. Among mandated reporters involved as sentinels in the NIS-4, a significant percentage have had suspicion and not made a report. Professionals identify a variety of reasons for not reporting their suspicions ( Sedlak et al., 2010a ). The most common reasons given are concerns that intervention by child protective services will be more harmful than helpful and the professionals' belief that they can do a better job of addressing the suspected child abuse or neglect on their own without involving the authorities. Rates of reporting also may vary by profession and relationship with the family. In one state survey of pediatricians, only 10 percent had ever not reported a suspected case of abuse or neglect; the most common reason given was not feeling that the evidence for suspicion was strong enough or believing that the case could be better handled by the physician or family without the involvement of child protective services ( Theodore and Runyan, 2006 ). For mental health providers, the dilemma may be more acute. For example, Steinberg and colleagues (1997) found that among psychologists who had made a report to child protective services, 27 percent stated that their client ended the therapy relationship because of the child abuse report.

In addition to the concerns of professionals about the consequences of reporting for themselves and their practice, a lack of clarity exists as to what constitutes reasonable suspicion as defined by the law. There is little dispute about suspicion when the basis for concern is clear-cut (e.g., the child makes a credible statement about being sexually abused or has hand print bruises on the cheek). In many cases, however, the information available to the reporter is vague, inconclusive, or only suggestive. Is it neglect when a child comes to school in dirty clothes and smelling bad? How young a child can be left alone at home? What if a child says, “I am afraid to go home”? If a child is engaging in highly sexualized behavior, is that indicative of abuse? There is a substantial gray area that is open to interpretation with respect to whether a statement or behavior meets criteria for triggering a legally mandated report of child abuse and neglect. A lack of consensus exists even among expert child abuse doctors. Levi and Crowell (2011) found no agreement among experts on how high child abuse and neglect would have to be on the list of differential diagnoses and how certain the provider would have to be that child abuse and neglect accounted for the child's presentation to meet the reporting criterion of reasonable suspicion.

On the other hand, only about 60 percent of referrals to child protection authorities are accepted and screened in for some type of official response ( ACF, 2012 ). Cases may be screened out because they do not meet the legal criteria for child abuse and neglect or state standards for accepting cases, or because information about the case is insufficient to enable completing a report. Among states, screen-in rates range from a low of 25 percent to a high of virtually all referrals ( ACF, 2012 ). Thus citizens and professionals likely recognize many situations in which they suspect child abuse and neglect, but their suspicions do not meet the threshold of concern required by local statute to justify an investigation.

Disproportionality

Concerns have been raised about possible racial and ethnic bias in child abuse and neglect reporting and investigations because African American and American Indian children are referred to child protective services at higher rates than their representation in the population, whereas Asian American and Latino children are referred at lower rates. A recent study used a birth cohort methodology and linked vital statistics and child abuse report records for young children ( Putnam-Hornstein, 2011 ). Prior child abuse reports were associated with an almost sixfold increase in the probability of intentional death and double the rate of unintentional fatal injury; the rates were higher for African American and American Indian children and lower for Asian American and Latino children relative to the general population. In other words, the racial/ethnic patterns of injury and death mirror the child abuse and neglect reporting rates by racial and ethnic group. Moreover, the overall underrepresentation of Latino children in referrals to the child welfare system masks significant differences between the experiences of Latino children of U.S.-born mothers and Latino children of foreign-born mothers, both in rates of referral ( Putnam-Hornstein et al., 2013 ) and in type of abuse or neglect ( Dettlaff and Johnson, 2011 ). Authoritative commentators ( Drake et al., 2011 ; Putnam-Hornstein, 2012 ; Putnam-Hornstein et al., 2013 ) agree that there are real group differences in the rates of child abuse and neglect and conclude that these differences reflect the higher burden of social ills borne by some groups. As Putnam-Hornstein concludes: “The findings suggest that the overrepresentation of black and Native American children in the child welfare system may be a manifestation of historical and contemporary racial inequities that place these minority children at a disproportionate risk of maltreatment” (2012, p. 171).

Disproportionality extends beyond referrals. Miller (2011) examined disproportionality in Washington state at both the referral point and key decisions points after cases had been screened in (e.g., risk rating, placement, length of time in care). As with other states, disproportional rates of referral were seen. When disproportionality from the point of referral was examined, virtually no differences were found among whites, Asians, and Latinos following case entry into the child welfare system. After case receipt, rates of disproportionality were reduced for African American families at most decision points, with the largest discrepancy remaining in length of time in care. For American Indian cases, the disproportionality continued at every decision point following case acceptance. These results suggest that the observed disproportionality may have a variety of causes, some that reflect larger social forces and others that may be more reflective of professional assumptions and local practices. Disproportionality is discussed further in Chapter 5 of this report.

Finding: According to NCANDS data from FY 2011, there were 3.4 million child abuse and neglect referrals involving 6.2 million children. Nationally, more than three-quarters of these cases are classified as neglect, 18 percent as physical abuse, and 9 percent as sexual abuse. The highest rates of child abuse and neglect occur among young children, specifically those less than 3 years old. Finding: Tribal child welfare systems, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the Indian Health Service do not report to NCANDS and are therefore not included in the datasets, thus limiting the ability to determine levels of abuse and neglect among many American Indian and Alaska Native populations. Moreover, non-Native workers report on cases of child abuse and neglect without familiarity with or consideration of the culture in these communities. Finding: Difficulties arise in determining rates of child abuse and neglect. When researchers attempt to identify instances of child abuse and neglect through survey instruments, results can vary based on the types of questions asked and the point in time and circumstances under which respondents provide the information. Conducting retrospective surveys of childhood experiences, asking children about recent experiences, and surveying parents about their behaviors toward children all can yield different results. Finding: African American and American Indian children are referred to child protective services at disproportionate rates relative to their representation in the general population.
  • INCIDENCE TRENDS

Questions about whether child abuse and neglect are increasing, decreasing, or being detected and reported more often have become prominent in recent years. At the time of the 1993 NRC report, there was a general consensus that child abuse and neglect was underreported. Since that time, substantial changes have occurred in the social climate with regard to awareness of child abuse and neglect, attitudes toward reporting it, and the availability of programs and services for children and families affected by it. These developments have explicitly been intended to increase reporting of child abuse and neglect by victims, the general public, and professionals. However, establishing whether changes in official reporting represent true changes in incidence is complicated by the limitations of the reporting systems discussed above, as well as the difficulties inherent in ascertaining rates of events that happen to children, many of whom are very young, and that occur mainly in the private context of family life. As revealed by the review below, discrepancies exist in some areas and considerable ambiguity in others regarding the conclusions to be drawn from the available trend data, suggesting outstanding questions that would benefit from more systematic empirical analyses of these trends over time.

Sexual abuse has shown the largest decline in reported rates. NCANDS reports a decline of 62 percent since 1992 ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ). The sharpest declines occurred during the late 1990s, but the downward trajectory has continued, with a 3 percent decline being reported between 2009 and 2010. This same pattern is demonstrated in the NIS-4, issued in 2010, which reported a 47 percent decline from the mid-1990s through 2005, when the data for that report were collected ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ).

Additional information on trends in sexual abuse is derived from surveys of youth. The NCVS documents a 68 percent decrease in reported and unreported sexual assault or rape of 12- to 17-year-olds between 1993 and 2010 ( White and Lauritsen, 2012 ). In a national survey on sexual and reproductive activity, young women (aged 15-24) reported a 39 percent decline in sexual experiences with a partner 3 or more years older before the age of 15 ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ). This survey follows the same pattern as NCANDS, with the declines being steepest in the 1990s and tapering off although still continuing in the 2000s. Finkelhor and colleagues (2010b) compare results from the National Survey of Children Exposed to Violence (NatSCEV) in 2003 and 2008 and find that reports of sexual assault declined from 3.3 percent of all children aged 2-17 in 2003 to 2.0 percent of children in 2008. In contrast, the National Survey of Adolescents (NSA), a survey of a large nationally representative sample of youth, found no decline in self-reported sexual assault between 1995 and 2005 ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ).

The trend data are more ambiguous with respect to physical abuse. NCANDS reports a decline of 56 percent in physical abuse reports from the early 1990s through 2010 ( Finkelhor et al., 2010a ). The decrease for physical abuse began somewhat later than that for sexual abuse but has followed the same slope, with steep declines in the late 1990s that tapered off by 2009. Likewise, the NIS-4 reported a 29 percent drop in endangerment-standard physical abuse starting in the early 1990s ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ).

Survey results produce a somewhat different picture. The NCVS reports a 69 percent decline in aggravated physical assaults on children (aged 12-17) from 1993 through 2008; however, these events are mainly peer and sibling assaults rather than physical abuse by parents ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ). Zolotor and colleagues (2011) compared results from a 2002 survey of parents in North Carolina (Carolina Survey of Abuse in the Family Environment) using the Parent-Child Conflict Tactics Scale with the findings of a Gallup survey completed in 1995 and the results of two National Family Violence Surveys, conducted in 1975 and 1985, that used the same scale. The results show a decline in parental reports of physical abuse. On the other hand, neither the NatSCEV nor the NSA found significant declines in youth-reported physical abuse by caregivers ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ).

Another source of data on physical abuse is admissions to a hospital for abuse-related injury. Physical abuse encompasses a broad range of acts. The most common is striking a child such that bruising results—ranging from relatively minor, temporary, and localized marks caused by pinching or slapping to significant marks caused by whipping or hitting with an object that may leave scars. These types of injuries do not typically entail admission to a hospital or even require medical care. On the other hand, a relatively small percentage of physical abuse cases involve injuries, such as fractures, burns, blunt trauma, and abusive head trauma (formerly known as shaken baby syndrome), that require medical care and possibly hospitalization ( Zolotor and Shanahan, 2011 ). Approximately 1.4 percent of physical abuse cases are estimated to result in hospitalization ( Leventhal et al., 2012 ).

A number of studies have investigated changes in rates of admission for head injuries resulting from child physical abuse—the most common reason for child abuse-related hospital admission. Leventhal and Gaither (2012) found a small but concerning increase in the rate of serious injuries as documented in coding on medical records in a series of children's hospitals (from 6.1 to 6.4/100,000) from 1997 to 2009. Additional studies, attempting to show an association between economic indicators and child abuse, similarly have found increases in rates of injuries coded as child abuse occurring during the 2000s ( Berger and Waldfogel, 2011 ; Berger et al., 2011 ; Wood et al., 2012 ). A national study conducted in Taiwan also found a significant increase from 1996 to 2007, but only for infants and largely accounted for by changes in coding practices since 2003 ( Chiang et al., 2012 ).

Neglect reports show the most mixed trends picture. NCANDS neglect reports declined by 10 percent between 1990 and 2010 ( Finkelhor et al., 2010a ), but there was significant variability across states. From 1992 to 2010, for example, fluctuations ranged from a 90 percent decline in neglect in Vermont to a 189 percent increase in Michigan. These dramatic state variations are not mirrored in the sexual and physical abuse rates, which declined across almost all states over the same period. The NIS-4 found no decline in neglect cases ( Sedlak et al., 2010a ). Self-report survey data are not available for neglect to permit comparisons over time. In part, this is due to the fact that retrospective self-report surveys are poorly suited to gathering information about neglect involving very young children, which is the most frequent form of child abuse and neglect.

Child maltreatment–related fatalities include deaths caused by both physical abuse and neglect, with a majority being attributed to neglect. NCANDS reports an increase of 46 percent in abuse- and neglect-related fatalities between 1993 and 2007 ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ). In contrast, homicide rates for children fell by 43 percent during the same period, with a 26 percent decline for the youngest children (aged 0-5) ( Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ); between 1980 and 2008, 63 percent of murdered children aged 0-5 were killed by a parent ( Cooper and Smith, 2011 ). It is unclear to what extent cases officially reported by law enforcement as homicides correspond to cases included in the NCANDS child abuse and neglect dataset, most of which, as noted, are attributed to neglect.

Trends in child abuse and neglect occur in the larger context of rates of crime and violence in the United States. The consensus is that crime has decreased substantially, although there are some year-to-year fluctuations and pockets where these results are not seen. Both official reports as reflected in the UCR and population-based counts of reported and unreported crime as determined by the NCVS reveal declines in virtually all crime categories since the mid-1990s ( FBI, 2010 ; Truman and Planty, 2012 ). These declines extend to sexual assault and domestic violence, crimes that share characteristics of child sexual and physical abuse and often involve people in close interpersonal relationships or family members. As with child abuse and neglect, extensive efforts have been undertaken to change the social climate around these crimes, encourage reporting, and expand service availability. The NCVS shows a 68 percent decline in the number of children aged 17 and younger living in households in which someone aged 12 and older was the victim of sexual assault or violent crime between 1993 and 2010 ( Truman and Smith, 2012 ).

In sum, trends are inconsistent across types of child abuse and neglect, and in the case of neglect are inconsistent across states. Sexual abuse reporting appears to indicate a clear decline that is not reflected in only a single data source. Although most sexual abuse is not committed by immediate family members, the declines here appear to extend equally to family and nonfamily sexual assaults. It is worth noting that the declines in child sexual abuse began about the same time as general declines in crime and have followed a similar slope. Physical abuse presents a more complicated picture, with some official sources showing overall declines and several surveys not showing declines. Although physical assaults in general (e.g., nonfamily assault, bullying) appear to be down, it is not clear that these trends extend to intrafamilial physical abuse.

Increases in child abuse-related hospital admissions are especially concerning because these data represent the most severe assaults, even though they make up a very small subgroup of child abuse cases. There are several possible explanations for these increases. First, they may represent actual increases in serious injury. Several studies have directly examined the correlation between the increases in identified cases and larger economic forces ( Berger and Waldfogel, 2011 ; Berger et al., 2011 ; Wood et al., 2012 ). Berger and colleagues (2011) hypothesize an association between the economic recession and rising rates of child abuse-related injury, citing increases in child abuse and neglect reports from the prerecession to the recession period. However, they find no association with local unemployment rates. Wood and colleagues (2012) link data on child abuse-related hospital admissions to mortgage delinquency, foreclosures, and unemployment rates between 2000 and 2009. They find increases in admission rates to be correlated with mortgage foreclosure and delinquency rates but not with unemployment rates. Another possibility is that the increases reflect greater awareness and willingness of health care providers to label injuries as child abuse. The increases coincide with the advent of growing use of hospital diagnostic and billing codes that specify child abuse as the injury cause and a period when a child abuse subspecialty was created in pediatrics. These changes may have contributed to greater willingness to identify child abuse as the cause of injury in official records. Now that abusive head trauma is being captured more accurately in administrative data, it could potentially account for a decline in other forms of head injury ( Leventhal and Gaither, 2012 ). It is also possible that caregivers who inflict severe injuries have more severe psychopathology or are otherwise different from the typical child abuser, and are therefore less amenable to the influences associated with general societal changes and less likely to accept offers of voluntary assistance.

The lack of a significant decline in child neglect and the large jurisdictional variations in this area remain the least understood. The past two decades have seen a growing emphasis on encouraging recognition of neglect as its deleterious effects have increasingly been documented. Awareness campaigns have been undertaken to encourage reporting of neglect, and in some cases its definition has been expanded to incorporate a variety of risky circumstances and conditions. For example, the relationship of parental substance abuse to child abuse and neglect has received widespread attention. These forces may have contributed to increased reporting of a broader spectrum of neglect cases. Greater awareness and expanded definitions may have offset any declines in reports of traditionally defined neglect.

Poverty often is considered a major contributor to neglect, yet there is little empirical support for a strong relationship between changes in indicators of poverty and neglect reporting rates. For example, there was a great deal of concern that welfare reform, especially the timelines for receiving Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), would produce an increase in cases of neglect as parents were forced off income support. However, no significant change in neglect rates was seen during this period. And as mentioned, two separate investigations failed to find a relationship between unemployment rates and child abuse and neglect reports.

A better understanding is needed of whether and why rates of physical and sexual abuse are declining while no change in neglect is being observed. Criminologists have focused on understanding the substantial declines in crime rates as well as the occasional fluctuations or stubborn persistence of high crime rates in a few areas. Multiple commentators have examined possible causes and explanations ( Finkelhor et al., 2010b ; Levitt, 2004 ; Oppel, 2011 ; Zimring, 2008 , 2011 ). Other fields, such as medicine, would certainly have devoted extensive scientific inquiry to understanding an epidemiological phenomenon as significant and inconsistent across different forms of the same problem area. Yet there has been no similar focus in the field of child abuse and neglect. Attention to the topic has been limited to a few investigators who have repeatedly reported on trends (e.g., Finkelhor and Jones, 2012 ) and to targeted examinations of specific subareas, such as hospital admissions (e.g., Chiang et al., 2012 ; Leventhal and Gaither, 2012 ). A greater focus on understanding the fluctuations in child abuse reporting data and other indicators of child injury both nationally and within specific communities and populations could have important implications for the design and targeting of intervention and prevention efforts.

Finding: Strong evidence indicates that sexual abuse has declined substantially in the past two decades; the balance of evidence favors a decline in physical abuse, especially its more common and less serious forms. There is no evidence that neglect is declining overall; however, states vary significantly as to whether neglect is increasing, decreasing, or remaining constant. These disparate trends have important implications for understanding the nature of child abuse and neglect and the forces that potentially affect its trends. Social policy endeavors are hampered when insufficient attention is paid to understanding the various aspects of the problem. Finding: Understanding is incomplete with respect to whether and why rates of physical and sexual abuse are declining while no change in neglect is being observed. Research on these trends has received inadequate attention given their important implications for intervention and prevention efforts.
  • DETERMINATION OF CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT

This section reviews the various methods of determining whether child abuse and neglect has occurred. The basis for the determination can range from a citizen's or family member's simply believing what a child says about being abused or neglected or being convinced by something observed, to a medical examination and diagnosis or the formation of a professional opinion, to the results of administrative or legal procedures. The process for making a determination by medical and mental health professionals is established by professional standards of practice, whereas legal standards of investigative practice, rules of evidence, and burdens of proof govern how legal determinations are made.

Determination by Medical and Mental Health Professionals

Medical determination or diagnosis is relevant in a small but very high-stakes minority of child abuse and neglect cases. A medical opinion is the only way to determine whether certain physical injuries—especially very serious injuries such as head injuries, fractures, and burns—are the result of child abuse and neglect in children who are too young to provide a verbal account of how the injury occurred. In certain cases involving children old enough to say what happened, a medical opinion may be necessary to distinguish accidental from nonaccidental injuries when the children's or parents' accounts are discrepant. In some neglect cases, such as those entailing malnutrition or failure to thrive, a medical opinion may be an essential component of the investigative process.

Taking a medical history is standard practice when medical professionals conduct a medical examination. In situations involving child abuse and neglect, especially when sexual abuse is suspected or the cause of an injury is in dispute, the child's history may be the primary basis for a medical professional's opinion or diagnosis. In such cases, although medical professionals may have specialized expertise in interviewing children, they, like other professionals and ordinary citizens, have no special ability to distinguish true from false or mistaken statements. However, statements made to a health care provider may be admissible in legal proceedings as an exception to the hearsay rule.

Overall, within the child abuse medical subspecialty, substantial consensus exists regarding the diagnostic criteria for forming a medical opinion about whether injuries or medical conditions are attributable to child abuse and neglect. However, there have been high-profile controversies about medical opinions in some child abuse cases. For example, questions have been raised about certain medical diagnoses, such as shaken baby syndrome, which as noted, is now called abusive head trauma. In some cases, child abuse experts have concluded that intentional injury has occurred, but other medical professionals have attributed the injuries to causes such as brittle bones or vitamin deficiencies. In large part, such conflicting opinions are due to the adversarial nature of the U.S. legal system. Opposing experts provide testimony to contradict a child abuse and neglect allegation and opine that alternative medical explanations account for the injuries, often, it has been argued, invoking scientifically unsupported assertions ( Chadwick et al., 1998 ). Although there have been some salient scientific developments in terms of the causes of injuries, in most cases these disputes do not reflect significant scientific uncertainties.

Outstanding questions do remain about the types of tests and procedures that are most appropriate for making a determination of child abuse and neglect. For example, radiographic skeletal survey is the standard procedure for detecting clinically unsuspected fractures in possible child abuse victims since a certain percentage of children will have occult fractures. Standards for additional tests and their timing have not been definitively established. Absent consensus standards, practice shows considerable variability.

Other presentations for which a medical opinion is absolutely necessary include complex conditions such as Munchausen syndrome by proxy, or medical child abuse ( Davis and Sibert, 1996 ; Fisher and Mitchell, 1995 ; Roesler and Jenny, 2008 ). While this condition is very rare (0.5/100,000 children), the potential consequences to children are extreme and severe ( McClure et al., 1996 ). Parents repeatedly take their children to medical providers, often many different ones, with reports of multiple and sometimes extremely serious symptoms or conditions. In some cases, the child has or had a legitimate underlying condition, and the parents have extreme anxiety and repeatedly seek out additional tests and procedures or exaggerate symptoms. In other cases, parents fabricate or cause the medical symptoms to obtain psychological gratification from the attention they receive in the role of concerned parent. Making a determination of medical child abuse in these cases is fraught with complications and frequently cannot occur until the child has suffered significant harm or endured unnecessary tests, procedures, and even surgeries. Suspicion does not even arise until the pattern of visits, procedures, and contacts with multiple providers emerges. Child abuse doctors face a daunting task in challenging the opinions and practices of other medical providers who may have been mistaken, but genuinely believed the child had a serious medical condition.

In sexual abuse cases, although medical assessment is the standard of care, medical diagnosis is relevant in only a small subset of cases. Physical signs or symptoms, such as genital changes or injuries, sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, or the presence of seminal fluids or sperm, are present in only about 4 percent of cases; the vast majority of children medically evaluated for sexual abuse have normal exams ( Heger et al., 2002 ). Even when there are genital findings, most are nonspecific and cannot be linked conclusively to sexual assault ( Heger et al., 2002 ). Cases with definitive medical evidence, such as the presence of semen or pregnancy, are exceedingly rare. Standards for making a medical determination of sexual abuse have been published ( Kellogg and Committee on Child Abuse and Neglect, 2005 ).

There are two important reasons beyond medical diagnosis why medical assessment of children who may have been or report being sexually abused is the standard of care. One purpose is to allay the child's and parents' worries about the potential physical effects of sexual contact. A visit with a medical provider creates a nonstigmatizing opportunity for support and validation, psychoeducation about the impact of sexual abuse, and encouragement to engage in available treatment services. The second is that citizens, judges, and juries assume that medical findings will be present in sexual abuse cases, even though this frequently is not the case. Child protection and criminal legal professionals believe it is often necessary to have a medical exam and expert medical testimony primarily to counter this widespread misconception.

Mental health professionals may be asked by parents or other professionals to provide a professional opinion as to whether a child was abused. Most such requests involve concern about sexual abuse. A diagnosis is not made because sexual abuse is an event, not a medical or psychiatric condition. In many cases, the mental health professional's opinion is sought in a forensic context when a report has been made to authorities or a legal action has been initiated, and the opinion is expected to help guide legal decision making or provide the basis for expert testimony in a legal proceeding. In other cases, however, the opinion is sought to determine whether to initiate reporting or other legal actions.

Typically in these situations, mental health providers consider a range of information, including what the child says in an interview, what the child has told others, the circumstances of the discovery of abuse concerns, results of medical examinations, and the emotional and behavioral functioning of the child based on a psychosocial assessment or administration of a standardized checklist of tests. The degree of thoroughness and the formality of the process depend largely on the purpose the opinion will serve.

Whereas child abuse mental health professionals do bring specialized expertise, knowledge, and skills to the evaluation process, there are scientific limits on the conclusions that can be drawn about whether an event occurred based on psychosocial assessment. No psychological profile has sufficient specificity to permit conclusions about an event as the cause of a presentation ( APA, 2013 ). In addition, the emotional and behavioral consequences of child abuse and neglect are varied and nonspecific (see Chapter 4 ). Conditions typically associated with child abuse and neglect, such as posttraumatic stress, anxiety, depression, and behavioral problems, are common mental health problems for children and have many other causes. The only behavioral problem that has a specific and significant relationship with child abuse and neglect is inappropriate sexual behavior. However, the majority of sexually abused children do not have sexual behavior problems, and there are other potential causes for sexual behavior in children ( Friedrich, 1993 ; Friedrich and Trane, 2002 ; Friedrich et al., 1998 , 2003 ).

To a large extent, professional opinions on child abuse and neglect rely heavily on determinations about the credibility of children's statements. There is no reason to believe that children cannot give reliable and accurate information about events or that they are prone to making false complaints about abuse ( Brown et al., 2007 ; Cederborg et al., 2008 ; Lamb et al., 2007 ; Lyon, 1999 ). On the other hand, it is well established that memory, especially in young children, is susceptible to error and distortion, and that children can form false beliefs that they have experienced events ( Cederborg et al., 2008 ; Lyon, 1999 ). It turns out that the characteristics of true and untrue statements have many commonalities; some true statements are not very credible, and some untrue statements are highly detailed and convincing. Mechanisms devised for rating child reports about abuse and neglect and classifying them as accurate or inaccurate have not proven reliable ( Hershkowitz et al., 2007 ). In other words, professionals have no special ability to detect truthfulness, nor is there a scientifically reliable method for doing so. This is why courts generally do not permit professionals to opine about the credibility of witnesses, but reserve that function for the fact finder ( Myers, 2012 ).

Standards have been established for conducting forensic assessments for purposes of providing an opinion about possible sexual abuse (e.g., Kuehnle and Connell, 2009 ; Sparta and Koocher, 2006 ). The standards cover the assessment process, interviewing approaches, the proper use of psychosocial information, and limits on the accuracy of opinions based largely on statements that cannot be verified and behaviors that are nonspecific. Unfortunately, the types of cases for which such assessments are sought are those that are most ambiguous and complex, such as when children are unable or unwilling to give a clear and credible history, they are very young, they have not made statements, their statements are vague or inconsistent, or they suffer from emotional and behavioral problems that affect their credibility.

Mental health professionals routinely form opinions on the basic truth of reports about historical events that are potentially relevant in explaining why clients present with emotional and behavioral problems. Mental health providers commonly inquire about a range of past events, such as child abuse and neglect; other forms of trauma; events and experiences such as divorce, family moves, and experiences at school or with peers; illness and hospitalization; and other relevant life experiences. This information is integrated with information derived from clinical observation and the results of assessment measures with respect to symptoms and behaviors. Except for what providers observe directly in session, nearly all the information that serves as the basis for an opinion about events and mental health problems is derived from self-reports. Reliance on self-reports, including reports of child abuse and neglect, is therefore a cornerstone of standard clinical practice.

Determination by the Legal System

Legal investigations.

Before a child abuse and neglect case arrives before a legal fact finder (judge or jury), an arm of the government investigates the case. Child protective services and law enforcement conduct the investigations that serve as the basis for the state's actions regarding dependency or prosecution. In many cases, the parents or defendants come to an agreement with the government, and no actual fact-finding hearing takes place. If it does, the official legal determination is made by civil or criminal court.

Child protective services usually is responsible for investigating civil dependency cases; such cases are screened in by the child welfare system, and they fall under the jurisdiction of the juvenile court. Given that the greatest number of reported cases involve neglect, and most do not involve criminal conduct, the child protective services investigation is the only process applied to making a determination about child abuse and neglect in the majority of cases. Caseworkers make home visits and observe the safety and hygiene status of the household; inspect bruises and injuries; and conduct interviews with children (when appropriate), caregivers, reporters, and others who may have relevant information (such as relatives, teachers, and health care providers). They then draw conclusions about whether the information and evidence thus obtained meet the legal standards for child abuse and neglect.

Law enforcement officials investigate crimes. They generally engage in the same activities as child welfare system caseworkers (e.g., interviewing victims and witnesses, examining home conditions); they may also collect evidence from crime scenes, undertake forensic analyses, and interrogate suspects. In many jurisdictions, child protective services and law enforcement officials conduct joint investigations ( Cross et al., 2005 ).

A key activity in many child abuse and neglect dependency and criminal investigations, especially in cases involving sexual abuse and some involving physical abuse, is interviewing the child. Interviewing methods most likely to lead to accurate and complete reports have been extensively investigated (e.g., Cronch et al., 2006 ; Lamb et al., 2009 ; Larsson and Lamb, 2009 ; Saywitz et al., 2002 ). The protocol of the National Institute for Child Health and Development (NICHD) is the approach that has been the most researched in real-life settings and in laboratory analogue experiments, and serves as the model for the current standard of practice ( Lamb et al., 2007 ). Other extant models, none of which has undergone the same level of empirical evaluation, share almost all the same procedures and practices as the NICHD protocol ( Anderson et al., 2010 ).

Legal Determinations

A legal determination of child abuse and neglect is based on the weighing of admissible evidence that is collected following the accepted procedures for the specific legal arena. The common law legal system in the United States is adversarial and is based on principles that protect the due process rights of those who are accused and risk loss of liberty, access to their children, or assets. The legal contexts vary by whether they are criminal or civil, the intended outcomes of the case, and the standard of proof that applies.

The two primary legal systems that make determinations about child abuse and neglect are the child protection system and the criminal justice system ( Myers, 2012 ). The child protection system carries out an administrative and civil justice process that involves the state's seeking to intervene in families, often but not always to assume temporary custody of children (e.g., establishing child abuse or neglect and then obtaining authority of the court for the child's placement) or in a small fraction of cases to terminate parental rights. In these court cases (often called dependency cases), the standard of proof typically is more probable than not; in a case involving termination of parental rights, a higher standard of clear and convincing evidence has been set by the U.S. Supreme Court. The goals of the criminal justice system are to hold lawbreakers accountable and punish them, to bring justice for victims, and to protect the community. The standard of proof here is the highest (beyond a reasonable doubt) because the case involves the government's restricting an adult's liberty, including the possibility of incarceration. Child abuse and neglect also may be addressed in family court custody matters when it is alleged by one parent seeking to restrict the other parent's access to the child. In addition, civil tort actions may be brought in which a child, or someone on his/her behalf, sues a caregiver, the government, or another entity for negligence, seeking monetary damages.

The large majority of both civil and criminal proceedings regarding child abuse and neglect do not progress to a formal fact-finding hearing or a trial. In many child protection cases, usually those not requiring a court order to remove a child from home against parental wishes, no formal legal process is even initiated; the family agrees to a voluntary service plan that is overseen by the state. Even when a dependency petition is filed in court, in the large majority of cases the parent reaches an agreement or case settlement regarding dependency, often without admitting to having committed an act of child abuse and neglect. On the criminal side, charges are not filed in many cases, even when prosecutors may believe a crime occurred, because of difficulties entailed in proving the case and in meeting the legal standard of proof of beyond a reasonable doubt. In the majority of cases when charges are filed, the accused pleads guilty to the crime or to a lesser crime.

Substantiation

The child protection system's classification of a child abuse and neglect case as substantiated is an administrative procedure for making a formal recorded determination about the validity of a child abuse and neglect report. In most states, the result of an investigation of a report is classified as substantiated or unsubstantiated, although some states use other terminology (e.g., founded/unfounded) to describe the investigative outcome. In 2011, approximately 19 percent of screened-in cases were substantiated, or “indicated” ( ACF, 2012 ). Substantiation can be legally disputed because the consequences of a substantiated report can be significant for caregivers (e.g., job loss or being barred from certain professions or by certain employers) ( CWIG, 2013 ; McCarthy et al., 2005 ).

No formal conclusion about whether child abuse and neglect occurred is recorded in cases that are referred for an alternative response (sometimes called a family assessment or differential response) and not formally investigated ( CWIG, 2013 ). In 2011, about 10 percent of all cases reported to NCANDS received an alternative response ( ACF, 2012 ), but that percentage is increasing. As of 2011, 17 states were implementing differential response at some level, and 6 states planned to implement it in the near future.

Rates of substantiation vary dramatically across states ( ACF, 2012 ), and there is little consensus on what accounts for this variation. Overall, every method used to determine the accuracy of child abuse and neglect allegations has weaknesses and cannot be considered definitive. To some extent, this does not matter as long as the victims are safe and receive needed services. For example, most crimes will not be reported or prosecuted or result in conviction of the perpetrator; however, crime victims will still have access to many services designed to help them recover from the effects of the crime, and most can take at least some steps toward protecting themselves from the perpetrator. Although child abuse victims are dependent on caregivers for future protection, many parents can and do take steps to protect their children from known perpetrators or correct their own neglectful or abusive behavior. In terms of access to needed services, what happens officially in a case is unrelated to receipt of services in the child welfare system. The National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being, a large longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample of cases reported to child protective services, produced illustrative results. Comparisons of cases that were closed or kept open, or were substantiated or not, revealed no difference in key variables related to services or outcomes ( Hussey et al., 2005 ; Kohl et al., 2009 ).

The difficulty of ascertaining the validity of cases using official reporting or procedural outcomes may have more of an effect on research and interpretation of findings than on the lives of children who enter the child welfare system. For example, Kohl and colleagues (2009) argue that if substantiation does not discriminate true from untrue cases of child abuse and neglect, it is not a meaningful or accurate way of learning about the characteristics of actual abuse and neglect and its relationships to outcomes since the comparison group of unsubstantiated cases will contain many true cases. Therefore, child abuse research may benefit if consensus is achieved not only on definitions, but also on the meaning of different classification mechanisms for child abuse and neglect reports.

Finding: Significant advances have been made in dealing with children who may have been abused and neglected when they come in contact with medical, mental health, or social services professionals. It has become more common for these professionals to screen children routinely for abuse and other traumatic experiences. The children's accounts are generally accepted, at least for purposes of meeting the “reasonable suspicion” standard for making a child abuse report, except when there is significant evidence for coercion or contamination of their statements. Children who are suspected of being abused are commonly referred for specialized assessment, as well as clinical and support services. Finding: Overall, substantial improvements have been achieved in the assessment and investigative procedures for determining whether child abuse and neglect has occurred since the 1993 NRC report was issued. Widely accepted standards for proper interviewing have been adopted by child protective services, law enforcement officials, and forensic evaluators and are well known even among general health, mental health, and other professionals ( Lamb et al., 2007 ). Finding: Rates of substantiation of child abuse and neglect allegations by child protective services vary dramatically across states, and there is little consensus on what accounts for this variation. Overall, every method of determining the accuracy of child abuse and neglect allegations has weaknesses, and no method can be considered definitive. This limits the substantiation classification as a meaningful way to learn about the characteristics of actual abuse and neglect and their relationships to outcomes.
  • CONCLUSIONS

Child abuse and neglect is a pervasive societal problem, with recent NCANDS data indicating that 3.4 million child abuse and neglect referrals involving 6.2 million children were made in a single year across the United States and its territories. As will be discussed in Chapter 4 , these incidents of child abuse and neglect entail a substantial risk for deleterious consequences that can hinder child development and lead to problems that persist across the life course.

Cases of child abuse and neglect are referred to child protective services based on mandatory reports by professionals such as teachers, law enforcement officials, social service providers, and physicians, as well as good-faith reports by citizens. Not all cases of child abuse and neglect are reported, and standards for reasonable suspicion of abuse and neglect are not always clear-cut. Therefore, official reports do not capture all cases in which child abuse and neglect is suspected or even is detected and acted upon. For research purposes, then, sole reliance on referral data from child protective services cannot capture the full scope of child abuse and neglect. Incorporating data from additional sources is necessary to determine the true incidence of the problem.

In addition, child abuse and neglect are defined differently for the varying purposes for which related information is collected, confounding attempts to portray the scope of the problem accurately or examine the surrounding circumstances. Results across studies based on surveys also may vary according to the survey methodology employed. Movement toward a reasonable degree of standardization in these areas is therefore needed.

Difficulties in ascertaining the scope of child abuse and neglect have contributed to uncertainties regarding whether the incidence of the problem is increasing or decreasing or cases are being detected and reported more frequently. Available trend data provide strong evidence that sexual abuse has declined substantially in the past two decades; the balance of evidence favors a decline in physical abuse, especially its more common and less serious forms. There is no evidence that neglect is declining overall. However, states vary significantly as to whether neglect is increasing, decreasing, or remaining constant. Discrepancies and ambiguity across analyses of different data sources highlight a need for more systematic empirical analyses of these trends over time. Research is needed to learn more about trends in child abuse and neglect and the variables that may account for decreases in the incidence of the problem or the lack thereof.

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42 U.S.C. § 5101 note.

42 U.S.C. § 52016a.

25 U.S.C. § 1169.

10 U.S.C. § 1787.

42 U.S.C. § 13001, et seq.

42 U.S.C. § 5106a(d).

  • Cite this Page Committee on Child Maltreatment Research, Policy, and Practice for the Next Decade: Phase II; Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Institute of Medicine; National Research Council; Petersen AC, Joseph J, Feit M, editors. New Directions in Child Abuse and Neglect Research. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2014 Mar 25. 2, Describing the Problem.
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Child Abuse Essay Example

Many parents are not aware of the signs of child abuse. This is largely due to the fact that they do not want to believe it could happen or they are in denial. Abuse can manifest itself as an extreme lack of empathy, which is also known as coldness. There are other signs to look for including a decline in school performance, mood swings, and aggressive behavior. If you suspect your child has been abused there are several resources available to help find out if it truly happened and get them to help if necessary.

  • Thesis Statement
  • Introduction

Essay Example On Child Abuse

Thesis Statement Every kind of child abuse is harmful to better cognitive development which can create multiple social issues. Introduction Child abuse is an umbrella term that covers so many aspects. It is not just limited up to torturing or dismantling a child on a physical basis but mental and sexual harassment is also a part of it. Sometimes in many cases, parents are found to be guilty of such major problems in society. The goal of different types of child abuse also differs in every situation. For instance, parents abusing their child by forcing him to work at minor age are backed by the financial crisis of the family. Similarly, mental torture could be given to a child for performing below the par in his studies. All these pressures restrict the proper growth of children which leads to many crises in society. Get Non-Plagiarized Custom Essay on Child Abuse in USA Order Now Main Body Child abuse is rising with increasing poverty and competition among people. To become the survivor of this cut-throat competition, it becomes a necessity for people to push their minor children into the workforce. Here are some important points that will highlight the issue of child abuse in a deeper sense. Who is Responsible for Child Abuse? We cannot blame a single person for the problem of child abuse. As discussed above child abuse could be described in multiple dimensions. A person who abuses a child sexually cannot be justified on any grounds but pushing children to work at a minor age can be justified with poverty. Here are some forces that are responsible for child abuse. Society –  Multiple social customs based on the cast restrict children to take admission to the school. These customs are mainly gendered biased for girls and transgender. As a result of which these children have to work at a very low age. Social Institutions –  Social institutions like a police departments, education centers are also biased towards the punishment of culprits who are responsible for child abuse and giving admission to students of lower strata respectively. Class System –  Class system is another big reason for child abuse in society due to different rights for the people of different classes. Poverty –  Poverty is the most challenging reason that is difficult to cope up with for child abuse. Parents are sending their children and wards to labor at a very small age due to poverty. These were the main reasons behind child abuse that must be uprooted from society. We cannot imagine a society that is ideal and does not involve child abuse at any point without mitigating the issue of poverty in it. How to Deter the Issue of Child Abuse Child abuse is a problem that needs to be addressed very carefully. This is the high time when professionals and intelligentsia of society should take some major steps to reduce and eradicate this problem. Here are some suggestions that could be used for handling the problem of child abuse by people. Equal Distribution of Economic Resources – The economic resources of a region or country must be distributed evenly among the citizens. This is very important to maintain equality among people of different communities. When there will be no crisis for money the issue of child abuse could be managed at some level. No Injustice on the Grounds of Cast and Gender –  By reducing the injustice on the grounds of cast and gender we can send all the children to school easily. Thus child labor would no longer exist in society. Awareness about Child Abuse in the Society –  Child abuse awareness campaign in the different parts of the world is also important. Parents are not mindful of the fact many times that their children are exploited on sexual as well as physical grounds by the rich when. Often poor children are taken away by the rich businessmen and merchants in the name of the job. But the wages paid to these children are negligible as compared to the work they have to do. When parents would be aware of this fact they will not send the children for manual labor. Conclusion We should work together in a union to fight against the problem of child abuse. Children are the main pillar of any nation for economic and social growth. If they will be harassed and given major traumas in their very childhood, it can disturb society with their growth. Intelligentsia of society should discuss some relevant points to deter with this serious problem effectively. Only then a bright and stable future of a country or nation could be presumed by the citizens. Buy Customized Essay on Child Abuse At Cheapest Price Order Now

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Marjane Satrapi

thesis statement example child abuse

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Theme Analysis

Religion, Repression, and Modernity Theme Icon

The historical body count by the end of Persepolis is enormous: from the start of the Revolution to the end of the Iraq-Iran War over a million people die—on the battlefield, in the streets, and in prison cells—killed by the Shah and by the Islamic Republic that replaces the Shah. By the end of the book, Marjane expresses her sorrow that “we could have avoided it all”, indicating a belief that much of the damage done to the Iranian people was a result of the Iranian regime’s own actions: its warmongering with Iraq, its radicalization of young soldiers, its religious fanaticism, its valorization of martyrdom. Official, legally sanctioned punishment for infractions as small as an improperly worn veil or the possession of forbidden party fare could be shockingly severe, including torture and death, and the people who carry out these punishments are usually agents of the regime. As such, Marjane claims, “it was really our own who attacked us.”

Marjane must therefore contend with the reality of the complicity of the people around her. In the early days after the end of the Revolution, Marjane and her friends find out that Ramin’s father was part of the secret police under the Shah that killed many people. They decide to get revenge by holding nails between their fingers and attacking Ramin . However, Marjane’s mother teaches her that one cannot blame and punish the child of the perpetrator, who has nothing to do with the crimes committed. She claims that one must forgive, and Marjane takes this to heart. Later, however, after seeing the deaths perpetrated by the new Islamic Republic, she contradicts herself somewhat, saying that “bad people are dangerous, but forgiving them is, too.” This comment suggests the realization of an impossible situation, the realization that despite what the storybooks might say, forgiveness is not a cure-all, that forgiving bad people won’t magically turn them good. At one point, Marjane’s mother claims, “Don’t worry, there is justice on earth.” But the book seems to constantly question the veracity of this claim. In Persepolis little justice is to be found.

Violence, Forgiveness, and Justice ThemeTracker

Persepolis PDF

Violence, Forgiveness, and Justice Quotes in Persepolis

I wanted to be justice, love, and the wrath of God all in one.

Religion, Repression, and Modernity Theme Icon

“The Revolution is like a bicycle. When the wheels don’t turn, it falls.”

Nationalism, Heroism, and Martyrdom Theme Icon

“You know, my child, since the dawn of time, dynasties have succeeded each other but the kings always kept their promises. The Shah kept none.”

“All the country’s money went into ridiculous celebrations of the 2500 years of dynasty and other frivolities…all of this to impress heads of state; the population couldn’t have cared less.”

The Personal vs. the Political Theme Icon

The reason for my shame and for the revolution is the same: the difference between social classes

Children, War, and Growing Up Theme Icon

“As long as there is oil in the middle east we will never have peace.”

My father was not a hero, my mother wanted to kill people…so I went out to play in the street.

“The real Islamic invasion has come from our own government.”

War always takes you by surprise.

“I wish he were alive and in jail rather than dead and a hero.”

“To have the Iraqis attack, and to lose in an instant everything you had built over a lifetime, that’s one thing…but to be spat upon by your own kind, it is intolerable!”

“Our country has always known war and martyrs, so, like my father said: ‘When a big wave comes, lower your head and let it pass!’”

“To die a martyr is to inject blood into the veins of society.”

“If [people] hurt you, tell yourself that it’s because they’re stupid. That will help keep you from reacting to their cruelty. Because there is nothing worse than bitterness and vengeance…Always keep your dignity and be true to yourself.”

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  6. (PDF) AN ESSAY ON CHILD ABUSE: COMMENDING UNICEF

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COMMENTS

  1. 127 Child Abuse Research Topics & Free Essay Examples

    Here are some child abuse essay topics that we can suggest: The problem of child abuse in the US (Canada, the UK) Child abuse: Types and definitions. Child neglect crimes and their causes. Current solutions to the problem of sexual abuse of children. The importance of child maltreatment prevention programs.

  2. Thesis Statement for Child Abuse

    Child Maltreatment. Child maltreatment is all the forms of neglect, ill-treatment, and commercial exploitation that may result in subsequent potential harm to minors. It exists in four types of abuse; sexual, emotional, physical, and neglect (Merrick & Latzman, 2015). As a significant societal problem, child abuse could lead to lifelong ...

  3. PDF Child Abuse and Neglect: by Kyrsha M. Dryden A Research Paper

    ls are at a greater risk of sexual abuse ascompared to boys. The. research has shown that 20-2. % of women and 5-15% of men weresexually abused as children. n estimated. 906,000 children are victims of abuse and neglectevery year. The rate of vic. imization is 12.3 children per 1,000 children as foun.

  4. Child Abuse Free Essay Examples And Topic Ideas

    A strong essay on child abuse should be centered around a clear, concise thesis statement. This statement should present a specific viewpoint or argument about child abuse. For instance, you might discuss the long-term psychological effects of child abuse, analyze the societal factors contributing to its prevalence, or argue the need for ...

  5. Child Abuse and Neglect

    Hunt (2014) declares that the maltreatment of children occurs across all socio-economic, cultural and ethnic groups with negative consequences on the development of the child. Child abuse and neglect have deleterious effects on the future life of the child. Get a custom essay on Child Abuse and Neglect. 192 writers online.

  6. 1 INTRODUCTION

    In 1990, over 2 million cases of child abuse and neglect were reported to social service agencies. In the period 1979 through 1988, about 2,000 child deaths (ages 0-17) were recorded annually as a result of abuse and neglect (McClain et al., 1993), and an additional 160,000 cases resulted in serious injuries in 1990 alone (Daro and McCurdy, 1991).

  7. The Effects of Early Child Physical Abuse on Social and Academic

    The social competency deficits. observed in these children were also associated with an increase in internalizing and externalizing behaviors, such as anxiety, overt aggression, withdrawal, and delinquent. behaviors. Additionally, Alink, Cicchetti, Kim, and Rogosch (2012) investigated the effects.

  8. Child Neglect, Child Physical Abuse, and Relationships Among 12-Year

    By 2014 75% of reported victims were neglected, 17.0 %. were physically abused, and 8.3% were sexually abused (Child Maltreatment, 2014). While the rate of reported child neglect has remained high over the last 20 years, research. focusing on child neglect has lagged behind that examining physical and sexual abuse.

  9. How should I write the statement of the problem for a study on child abuse?

    1 Answer to this question. Answer: Your statement of a problem should explain clearly and precisely the details of what you want to study. This includes an issue statement, a proposed method to solve the problem at hand, and the vision. Your question mentions you wish to study a topic related to child abuse. As I am not aware of the aspects you ...

  10. Childhood Abuse and Neglect, Global Emotional Functioning, and

    incidents of childhood abuse and neglect were reported in the United States in 2013. Of these, over 1,800,000 incidents were screened in, investigated, and acted upon by Child Protective Services (DHHS, 2015a). While many of the reported incidents involved the same child, the final individual count provided by the DHHS (2015a) indicates that over

  11. Thesis Statement on Child Abuse

    Thesis Statement on Child Abuse. This essay sample was donated by a student to help the academic community. Papers provided by EduBirdie writers usually outdo students' samples. Child abuse is a global issue and refers to any form of neglect, physical or psychological abuse, sexual abuse, and so on. Child abuse has long-term well-being and ...

  12. PDF Dissertation Resilience to Childhood Abuse and Neglect in College Students

    Sexual abuse and physical neglect occurred at rates of 18.5% and 9.9%, respectively, within the maltreated sample. These rates reflect a high. level of comorbidity in the occurrence of maltreatment. Of the individuals who were maltreated, only 35.8% just experienced one type of maltreatment.

  13. Thesis Statement On Child Abuse

    Satisfactory Essays. 1026 Words. 5 Pages. Open Document. Assignment III Outline. Problem. • General Statement: "Everyone suffers some injustice in life, and what better motivation than to help others not suffer in the same way.". - Bella Thorne (Brainy Quote) • Problem Statement: People suffer from all types of matters nowadays, but ...

  14. Child Abuse: Thesis Statement

    5. This essay sample was donated by a student to help the academic community. Papers provided by EduBirdie writers usually outdo students' samples. Cite this essay. Download. Child abuse is an issue we encounter and need to address. It is not only physical but mental as well. Child abuse is a global problem, which we come across in families not ...

  15. Free Child Abuse Thesis Statement Examples

    Good Example Of Thesis Statement On Child Abuse. Type of paper: Thesis Statement. Topic: Children, Child, Family, Abuse, Violence, Bullying, Child Abuse, Parents. Pages: 2. Words: 400. Published: 03/08/2023. ORDER PAPER LIKE THIS. Child abuse is a concern to everyone. It involves child maltreatment of a child who is below 18 years by a ...

  16. Thesis Statements: Examples

    Example 2. Poor. Abortion is a terrible practice that only deranged, baby-killing monsters would advocate under the guise of being pro-choice. Better. Despite the appeal of freedom of choice, the legalization of abortion has been detrimental to the well-being of women in America. Explanation.

  17. Describing the Problem

    Child abuse and neglect is well established as an important societal concern with significant ramifications for the affected children, their families, and society at large (see Chapter 4). A critical step in devising effective responses is reasonable agreement on the definition of the problem and its scope. Yet achieving clarity in the area of child abuse and neglect has been an ongoing challenge.

  18. How To Write A Thesis Statement For Child Abuse

    Child Abuse has 4 types, which are: There are many forms of child maltreatment, including neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse, exploitation and emotional abuse. Physical abuse- includes striking, kicking, burning, biting, hair pulling, choking, throwing, shoving, whipping or any other action that injures a child.

  19. Child Abuse Essay Example

    Essay Example On Child Abuse Thesis Statement. Every kind of child abuse is harmful to better cognitive development which can create multiple social issues. Introduction. Child abuse is an umbrella term that covers so many aspects. It is not just limited up to torturing or dismantling a child on a physical basis but mental and sexual harassment ...

  20. Persepolis Themes

    Persepolis explores the intersection of religion and modernity, as well as the impact of religious repression on the religious feeling and practices of those who must endure it. At the beginning of the story, when Iran is ruled by the Westernized, American-backed dictator Shah, Marjane defines herself as "deeply religious" even as she and ...

  21. The League of Schools

    On January 23, 2017, Meduza published Daniil Turovsky's investigative piece on how the administrators of a small Moscow school "The League of Schools" have been sexually molesting female students on a regular basis over the course of 20 years. This information was related by many alumni and former employees of the institution. In the 24 hours since its publication, the piece has ...

  22. Violence, Forgiveness, and Justice Theme in Persepolis

    Violence, Forgiveness, and Justice Theme Analysis. LitCharts assigns a color and icon to each theme in Persepolis, which you can use to track the themes throughout the work. The historical body count by the end of Persepolis is enormous: from the start of the Revolution to the end of the Iraq-Iran War over a million people die—on the ...

  23. PDF The Positive Impacts of Fairy Tales for Children

    Even when the child identifies with the negative characters in the fairy tale, the child can learn to cope with threats, conflicts and their anxieties linked to the illness, and this has a positive impact on their quality of life (Adamo 268, 270). In contrast, some people may think of fairy tales as being dangerous for children and young persons.