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Comparative Politics Approaches

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Comparative Analysis Within Political Science

What Are The Advantages of Comparing Institutions and Political Processes In Two Or More Countries Compared To the Study Of the Same Institutions Or Processes In a Single Country?

This essay will serve as a brief introduction to the practical, conceptual and theoretical values of comparative analysis within political science.  Following a brief explanation of the methodology, this essay will explain the importance of its role and the benefits it brings to the political field of research. The essay will also focus on the benefits of comparatively analysing the collating institutions and processes of two or more countries as opposed to one.

Comparative analysis (CA) is a methodology within political science that is often used in the study of political systems, institutions or processes. This can be done across a local, regional, national and international scale. Further, CA is grounded upon empirical evidence gathered from the recording and classification of real-life political phenomena. Where-by other political studies develop policy via ideological and/or theoretical discourse, comparative research aims to develop greater political understanding through a scientifically constrained methodology. Often referred to as one of the three largest subfields of political science, It is a field of study that was referred to as “the greatest intellectual achievement” by Edward A. Freeman (Lijphart, ND).

Using the comparative methodology, the scholar may ask questions of various political concerns, such as the connection, if any, between capitalism and democratization or the collation between federal and unitary states and electoral participation. CA can be employed on either a single country (case) or group of countries.  For the study of one country to be considered comparative, it is essential that the findings of the research are referenced into a larger framework which engages in a systematic comparison of analogous phenomena. Subsequent to applying a comparative methodology in the collation or collection of data, established hypothesises can then be tested in an analytical study involving multiple cases (Caramani, 2011).

Patterns, similarities and differences are examined to assess the relationships of variants between the two or more separate systems. It is this nature of the analysis that renders it comparative. Henceforth the researcher is subsequently able to isolate the independent variables of each study case. If the independent variables of “X” and “Y” exist, their relationship to dependant variable “Z” can be hypothesised, tested and established (Landman, 2008). This isolation is essential for the most defining and significant strength of CA, that is to establish the hypothetical relationships among variables (Guy, 2011). This empirical analysis can be used to explain a system, present theoretical ideas for modification and even to reasonably predict the future consequence of the case study in question.

While some researchers may favour a large amount of countries for their study (large-N) others will use a smaller amount of units (small-N) (Guy, 1988). The size of the case study is directly collated with the subject and it must lend the study sufficient statistical power. The researcher decides whether it is most appropriate to study one or more units for comparison and whether to use quantitative or qualitative research methods (Guy, 1988). The methodology of utilising multiple countries when analysing is the closet replication of the experimental method used in natural science (Lim, 2010). A clear strength of this method is the inclusion of the ability to implement statistical controls to deduct rival explanations, its ability to make strong inferences that hold for more cases, and its ability to classify ‘deviant’ countries that contradict the outcomes expected from the theory being tested (Guy, 2011).

Deviant countries or cases are units which appear to be exceptions to the norm of the theory being analysed. They are most prevalent in studies of processes and institutions involving only one country. This is due to the fact that there is often a severely limited amount of variability being tested (Lim, 2010).  In testing for the relationship between income inequality and political violence in sixty countries, Muller and Seligson identified which countries collated with their theory and which did not. Brazil, Panama, and Gabon were found to have a lower level of political violence than was expected for their national level of income inequality. Alternatively, with a low national level of income inequality, the UK was shown to have a higher than expected amount of political violence (Harro and Hauge, 2003). This identification of these ‘deviant’, cases allowed researchers to look for the explanations. They were able to deduct them from their analysis and increase the accuracy of their predictions for the other cases. This could not have been achieved in a single-country study and would have inevitably left the findings unbalanced and inaccurate.

Selection bias is a reductive practice that is most common with single-country studies. It arises through the deliberate prejudice of countries chosen for examination. The most damaging form of selection bias to the validity of the research is when only case(s) that support the theory being hypothesised are analysed. The serious problem of selection bias occurs much less frequently in studies that contain multiple countries (Lim, 2010).  This is because Studies that compare institutions and processes in multiple countries often rely on a sufficient number of observations that reduce the problem or at least its effects of selection bias. Using multiple countries reduces the risk of this invalidity causing phenomena.

However, the research of a single country is clearly valuable; it can produce an insightful exploration of many domestic institutions such as social healthcare, and also processes such as immigration. The findings however are mostly applicable to the country of analysis.  Whereas the findings of multi-national CA are also domestically valuable, they also tend to be more inherently valuable to the wider international field. This is because the comparisons of multi-national institutions and processes that are functionally collated have an increased global validity and transferability than the findings of comparison of a single nation (Keman, 2011). The comparative results of a single nation must be hypothesised with other understandings and predications relying substantially on theoretical observations, assumptions and past studies. Inevitably, studying more than one country lends the study a greater field of which to analyse. It is by the CA of subjects from multiple countries that thematic maps can be developed, national, regional and global trends can be identified, and transnational organisations can make acutely informed decisions. These practical benefits are not possible when analysing a phenomenon from one country without cross-case comparison. Analysing multiple cross-national units also furthers our understanding of the similarities, differences and relationships between the case study itself, and the geo-political, economic, and socio-cultural factors that would otherwise escape unaccounted.

The popularity of comparative method of analysing two or more countries has steadily increased (Landman, 2008). Indeed it can be regarded as essential to the understanding and development of modern day political, and international relation’s theory. With the constant dissolvent of countries around the world such as Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia combined with the potential for the creation of new states such as Palestine; the CA which involves different countries offers a wealth of information and most importantly, prediction for their futures. This theoretical framework for prediction is invaluable to society.

Alternatively analysis applied to a single-nation case is less applicable on a global scale (Lim, 2010). For example; studying the process of democratization in one Latin American country, although it offers important inferences that can be examined in other countries with a similar set of circumstances, is arguably insufficient to develop a theory of democratization itself that would be globally applicable. Quite simply, the singular analysis of an institution or process involving only one country often fails to provide a global set of inferences to accurately theorise a process (Harro and Hauge, 2003).

Comparing and contrasting processes and institutions of two or more countries allows the isolation of specific national variants (Hopkin, 2010). It also encourages the clear revealing of common similarities, trends and causation and the deduction of false causation. This means that established hypothesis are continually ripe for revaluation and modification. It enables the researcher to minimise the reductive phenomenon of having ‘too many variables not enough countries’, this occurs when the researcher is unable to isolate the dependant variable of the study because there are too many potential variables (Harro and Hauge, 2003). This problem is far more associated with single-country studies because it results from a surplus of potential explanatory factors combined with an insufficient amount of countries or cases in the study (Harro and Hauge, 2003).

Studies involving multiple countries assists in the defining of results as being idiographic in nature or nomothetic (Franzese, 2007).  It also assists in making the important distinction between causation, positive correlation, negative correlation and non-correlation. When analysing only one case or country it is harder to correctly make a distinction between these relationships especially one that is not only subject to the one country.

It is by studying institutions and processes of different countries by use of an empirical methodological framework, that the researcher is able to realise inferences without the ambiguity of generalisations. The separation of the cases being compared offers the researcher a richer study ground of variables that assist in acutely testing hypothesises and in the creation of others. It is through CA that correlating, dependent and independent relationships can be identified (Lim, 2010). The inclusion of multiple countries in a study lends the findings wider validity (Keman, 2011). For example, Gurr demonstrated that the amounts of civil unrest in 114 countries are directly related to the existence of economic and political deprivation. This theory holds true for a majority of countries that it is tested with (Keman, 2011).

It should also be noted that all countries, to differing degrees, are functioning in an interdependent globalized environment. Because of immigration, economic and political interdependence, the study of an institutions and/or processes within a single country inevitably gives a reduction in the transferability of the findings. This is because the findings at least are only as applicably transferable as their counterparts are functionally equivalent.  It also somewhat fails to account for transnational trends (Franzese, 2007).  Alternatively, comparison involving multiple nations, especially using quantitative techniques, can offer valuable empirically-based geopolitical and domestic generalizations. These assist in the evolution of our understanding of political phenomena and produce great recommendations into how to continue particular research using the same form of analysis or a different method all together.

The study of processes and institutions within two or more countries has been criticised for producing less in-depth information compared to studies involving one country (Franzese, 2007).  While this is appears to be a substantial criticism; there is not always agreement between scholars that this trade-off between quantity and quality is substantial, or indeed extremely relevant. Robert Franzese claims that the relative loss of detail which results from analysing large amounts of cross-national cases, does not justify retreating to qualitative study of a few cases (Franzese, 2007).  This is because most generalizations from single-country studies will inevitably be limited, since the country as a unit is bound by unique internal characteristics.

It is clear that both single-nation and multinational studies play an important role in CA. Yet as evidenced above, the strengths of encompassing multiple countries into comparative research far outweigh any reduction in the quality of the findings. Indeed, multinational studies work to reduce selection bias, and encourage global transferability, assists in variable deduction and receive recognition as being empirically scientific.

Bibliography

Caramani, D. (2011) Introduction to Comparative Politics. In: Daniele Caramani (ed)’ Comparative Politics’. 2nd edition. London, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 1-19

Culpepper, P. (2002 ) ’Single Country Studies and Comparative Politics’ Cambridge Massachusetts, Harvard University press.

Franzese, R. (2007) ‘Multicausality, Context-Conditionally, and Endogeneity’ In: Carels Boix and Susan Stokes. ed(s) ‘The Oxford Handbook of Political Science’. Oxford University Press: New York. pp29-72

Guy, P. (1988) ‘The Importance of Comparison’. In: ‘ Comparative Politics Theory and Methods.’ Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 2-27

Guy, P. (2011) ‘Approaches in Comparative Politics’. In: Daniele Caramani (ed) ‘ Comparative Politics ’.2nd edition. London, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp37-49

Harrop, M. and Hauge, R. (2003)  ‘ The Comparative Approach’ . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan

Hopkin, J. (2010) ‘The Comparative Method’. In: David Marsh & Gerry Stoker .ed(s)‘ Theory and Methods in Political Science’ . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 285-307

Keman, H. (2011) ‘Comparative Research Methods’ .  In Daniele Caramani (ed) ‘Comparative Politics’.   2 nd edition. London , Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.50-63

Landman, T. (2008) ‘Why Compare Countries?’.In: ‘ Issues and Methods in Comparative Politics: An Introduction .’ 3rd ed. London: Routledge, pp. 3-22

Lijhart, A. (ND) ‘ Comparative Politics and the Comparative Model’. In: ‘The American Political Science Review ’ . Vol 65, No 3. New York: American Political Science Association, pp. 682-693

Lim, T. (2010) ’ Doing Comparative Politics: An Introduction to Approaches and Issues’ . 2 nd edition. London: Lynne Rienner

— Written by: Alexander Stafford Written at: Queen’s University of Belfast Written for: Dr Elodie Fabre Date written: February 2013

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27 Overview of Comparative Politics

Carles Boix is the Robert Garrett Professor of Politics and Public Affairs at Princeton University and the Director of the Institutions and Political Economy Research Group at the University of Barcelona.

Susan Stokes is a John S. Saden Professor of Political Science and director of the Yale Program on Democracy. Her research has been supported by the National Science Foundation, the Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation, the American Philosophical Society, and the Russell Sage Foundation.

• Published: 05 September 2013
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This article discusses several crucial questions that comparative political scientists address. These questions also form part of the basis of the current volume. The article first studies the theory and methods used in gathering data and evidence, and then focuses on the concepts of states, state formation, and political consent. Political regimes, political conflict, mass political mobilization, and political instability are other topics examined in this article. The latter portion of the article is devoted to determining how political demands are processed and viewing governance using a comparative perspective.

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• Comparative Politics
• Environmental Politics
• European Politics
• European Union
• Foreign Policy
• Human Rights and Politics
• International Political Economy
• International Relations
• Introduction to Politics
• Middle Eastern Politics
• Political Economy
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Politics (1st edn)

• Acknowledgements
• List of Boxes
• List of Tables
• About the authors
• How to Use This Book
• How to Use the Online Resources
• 1. Introduction: The Nature of Politics and Political Analysis
• 2. Politics and the State
• 3. Political Power, Authority, and the State
• 4. Democracy
• 5. Democracies, Democratization, and Authoritarian Regimes
• 6. Nations and Nationalism
• 7. The Ideal State
• 8. Ideologies
• 9. Political Economy: National and Global Perspectives
• 10. Institutions and States
• 11. Laws, Constitutions, and Federalism
• 12. Votes, Elections, Legislatures, and Legislators
• 13. Political Parties
• 14. Executives, Bureaucracies, Policy Studies, and Governance
• 15. Media and Politics
• 16. Civil Society, Interest Groups, and Populism
• 17. Security Insecurity, and the State
• 18. Governance and Organizations in Global Politics
• 19. Conclusion: Politics in the Age of Globalization

p. 1 1. Introduction: The Nature of Politics and Political Analysis

• Peter Ferdinand , Peter Ferdinand Emeritus Reader in Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick
• Robert Garner Robert Garner Professor of Politics, University of Leicester
•  and  Stephanie Lawson Stephanie Lawson Professor of Politics and International Studies, Macquarie University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198787983.003.0001
• Published in print: 12 April 2018
• Published online: August 2018

This chapter discusses the nature of politics and political analysis. It first defines the nature of politics and explains what constitutes ‘the political’ before asking whether politics is an inevitable feature of all human societies. It then considers the boundary problems inherent in analysing the political and whether politics should be defined in narrow terms, in the context of the state, or whether it is better defined more broadly by encompassing other social institutions. It also addresses the question of whether politics involves consensus among communities, rather than violent conflict and war. The chapter goes on to describe empirical, normative, and semantic forms of political analysis as well as the deductive and inductive methods of the study of politics. Finally, it examines whether politics can be a science.

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• normative analysis
• semantic analysis
• deductive method
• inductive method

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6 Chapter 8: Comparative Politics

Comparative politics centers its inquiry into politics around a method, not a particular object of study. This makes it unique since all the other subfields are orientated around a subject or focus of study. The comparative method is one of four main methodological approaches in the sciences (the others being statistical method, experimental method, and case study method). The method involves analyzing the relationship between variables that are different or similar to one another. Comparative politics commonly uses this comparative method on two or more countries and evaluating a specific variable across these countries, such as a political structure, institution, behavior, or policy. For example, you may be interested in what form of representative democracy best brings about consensus in government. You may compare majoritarian and proportional representation systems, such as the United States and Sweden, and evaluate the degree to which consensus develops in these governments. Conversely, you may take two proportional systems, such as Sweden and the United Kingdom, and evaluate whether there is any difference in consensus-building among similar forms of representative government. Although comparative politics often makes comparisons across countries, it can also conduct comparative analysis within one country, looking at different governments or political phenomena through time.

The comparative method is important to political science because the other main scientific methodologies are more difficult to employ. Experiments are very difficult to conduct in political science—there simply is not the level of recurrence and exactitude in politics as there is in the natural world. The statistical method is used more often in political science but requires mathematical manipulation of quantitative data over a large number of cases. The higher the number of cases (the letter N is used to denote number of cases), the stronger your inferences from the data. For a smaller number of cases, like countries, of which there is a limited number, the comparative method may be superior to statistical methodology. In short, the comparative method is useful to the study of politics in smaller cases that require comparative analysis between variables.

Most Similar Systems Design (MSSD)

This strategy is predicated on comparing very similar cases which differ in their dependent variable. In other words, two systems or processes are producing very different outcomes—why? The assumption here is that comparing similar cases that bring about different outcomes will make it easier for the researcher to control factors that are not the causal agent and isolate the independent variable that explains the presence or absence of the dependent variable. A benefit of this strategy is that it keeps confusing or irrelevant variables out of the mix by identifying two similar cases at the outset. Two similar cases implied a number of control variables—elements that make the cases similar—and very few elements that are dissimilar. Among those dissimilar elements is likely your independent variable that produced the presence/absence of your dependent variable. A downside to this approach is that when comparing across countries, it can be difficult to find similar cases due to a limited number of them. There can be a more strict or loose application of the MSSD model—similarities may be fairly exact or roughly the same, depending on the characteristic involved, and will influence your research project accordingly.

Example 8.1

Suppose you want to study how well forms of representative government develop consensus and agreement over policy matters. You may observe that nearly identical representative systems of government exist in County A and Country B, but are producing very different results.

• Country A has a proportional representation system and has a long and successful track record of producing consensus among lawmakers over a number of policy issues.
• Country B, however, is riddled with partisan disagreement and a lack of consensus over a similar kind and number of policy issues.

In this instance, you may also observe a number of similarities that act as control variables in your research—both countries have a bicameral legislature, a similar number of representatives per capita. This is a research project well suited to the MSSD approach, as it allows multiple control points (proportional representation, bicameral legislature, number of representatives, etc.) and allows for the researcher to focus on fine grain points of difference among the cases. You may observe in this example one intriguing difference in demographics—County A’s population is smaller and largely homogenous, whereas Country B’s population is larger and more diverse. It may be that in Country B this diverse population is well represented in the legislature but leads to more policy disputes and a relative lack of consensus when compared to Country A.

Most Different Systems Design (MDSD)

This strategy is predicated on comparing very different cases that are all have the same dependent variable. This strategy allows the research to identify a point of similarity between otherwise different cases and thus identify the independent variable that is causing the outcome. In other words, the cases we observe may have very different variables between them yet we can identify the same outcome happening—why do we have different systems producing the same outcome? The task is to then sift through the variables existing between the cases and isolate those that are in fact similar, since a similar variable between the cases may in fact be the causal agent that is producing the same outcome. An advantage to the MDSD approach is that it doesn’t have as many variables that need to be analyzed as the MSSD approach does—a researcher only needs to identify the same variable that exists across all different cases. The MSSD approach, on the other hand, tends to have a lot more variables that have to be considered although it may provide a more precise link between the independent and dependent variables.

Example 8.2

Let’s use an example that will help illustrate the MDSD approach. Suppose you observe two very different forms of representative government producing the same outcome: Country A has a majoritarian, winner-take-all representational system and Country B has a proportional representation system, yet in both countries there is a high degree of efficiency and consensus in the legislative process.

Why do two systems have the same outcome?

You may list a number of variables and compare them across the two cases, sifting through to locate similar variables. Unlike the MSSD approach, which seeks to locate different variables across similar cases, the MDSD approach is the opposite—the task is to locate similar variables across different cases. You may observe that despite the fact that these two countries have very different systems of representation, both have unicameral legislatures and a low number of representatives per capita. These factors may produce higher levels of efficiency and consensus in the legislative process, thus explaining the same dependent variable despite different cases.

The Nation-State

Much of comparative politics focuses on comparisons across countries, so it is necessary to examine the basic unit of comparative politics research—the nation-state.

A nation is a group of people bound together by a similar culture, language, and common descent, whereas a state is a political sovereign entity with geographic boundaries and a system of government. A nation-state, in an ideal sense, is when the boundaries of a national community are the same as the boundaries of a political entity. In this sense, we may say that a nation-state is a country in which the majority of its citizens share the same culture and reflect this shared identity in a sovereign political entity located somewhere in the world. Nation-states are therefore countries with a predominant ethnic group that articulates a culturally and politically shared identity. As should be apparent, this definition has some gray areas—culture is fluid and changes over time; migration patterns can change the make up of a nation-state and thus influence cultural and political changes; minority populations may substantially contribute to the characteristics that make up a shared national identity, and so on.

Nations may include a diaspora or population of people that live outside the nation-state. Some nations do not have states. The Kurdish nation is an example of a distinct ethnic group that lacks a state—the Kurds live in a region that straddles the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran. Some other examples of nations without states include the numerous indigenous nations of the Americas, the Catalan and Basque nations in Spain, the Palestinian people in the Middle East, the Tibetan and Uyghur people in China, the Yoruba people of West Africa, and the Assamese people in India. Some previously stateless nations have since attained statehood—the former Yugoslav republics, East Timor, and South Sudan are somewhat recent examples. Not all stateless nations seek their own state, but many if not most have some kind of movement for greater autonomy if not independence. Some autonomous of breakaway regions are nations that have by force exercised autonomy from another country that claims that region. There are many such regions in the former Soviet Union: Abkhazia and South Ossetia (breakaway regions from Georgia), Transdniestria (breakaway region from Moldovia), Nagorno-Karabagh (breakaway region from Azerbaijan), and the recent self-declared autonomous provinces of Luhansk and Donetsk in the Ukraine. Most of these movements for autonomy are actively supported by Russia in an effort to control their sphere of influence. Abkhazians, South Ossetians, Trandniestrians, and residents of Luhansk and Donetsk can apply for Russian passports.

Lastly, some countries are not nation-states either because they do not possess a predominate ethnic majority or have structured a political system of more devolved power for semi-autonomous or autonomous regions. Belgium, for example, is a federal constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system with three highly autonomous regions: Flanders, Wallonia, and the Brussels capital region. The European Union is an interesting case of a supra-national political union of 28 states with a standardized system of laws and an internal single economic market. An outgrowth of economic agreements among Western European countries in the 1950s, the EU is today one of the largest single markets in the world and accounts for roughly a quarter of the global economic output. In addition to a parliament, the EU government, located in Brussels, Belgium, has a commission to execute laws, a courts system, and two councils, one for national ministers of the member states and the other for heads of state or government of the member states. The EU’s complicated political system allows for varying and overlapping levels of legal and political authority. Some member states have anti-EU movements in their countries that broadly share a concern over a loss of political and cultural autonomy in their country. The United Kingdom’s decision to leave the EU, known as “Brexit,” has been a complex and controversial process.

As this brief overview suggests, the concept of a nation-state is central to global politics. Crucial questions on what constitutes a nation-state underpin many of the most significant political conflicts in the world. Autonomous movements that seek greater sovereignty for a particular nation are found in every region of the world. At the heart of the relationship between nations and states is the idea of self-determination—that distinct cultural groups should be able to define their own political and economic destiny. Self-determination as a conception of justice suggests that freedom is not just individual but also communal—the freedom of defined groups to autonomy and self-direction.

Self-determination as a conception of justice suggests that freedom is not just individual but also communal—the freedom of defined groups to autonomy and self-direction.

The push and pull of power that brings nations together or tears them apart is everywhere in global politics. Moreover, states may appear stronger than they actually are, as the unexpected fall of the Soviet Union suggests. The legitimacy of the state and the cohesiveness of a nation go a long way toward understanding stability in the global world.

Comparing Constitutional Structures and Institutions

In Chapter Four we provided an overview of constitutions as a blueprints for political systems and in Chapter Three’s focus on political institutions we discussed legislative, executive, and judicial units and powers such as unicameral or bicameral legislatures, presidential systems, judicial review, and so on. The relationship between similar and different institutional forms make up the nuts and bolts of comparative political inquiry. In comparing constitutions across countries, each constitution speaks to the unique characteristics of a political community but there are also similarities. Constitutions typically outline the nature of political leadership, structure a form of political representation, provide for some form of executive authority, define a legal system for adjudicating law, and authorize and limit the reach of government power. On the other hand, there are several unique factors that determine a constitution an government. Geography, for example, often has a profound impact on the constitutional structure and form of government.

Large countries with scattered populations, for example, must be more sensitive to the legitimacy of the state in regions far removed from the center of government power. Some governments have moved their seat of power to more centralized and less populous cities in response to this concern—Abuja, Nigeria, Canberra, Australia, Dodoma, Tanzania, Yamoussoukro, Côte d’Ivoire, Brasilia, Brazil and Washington DC in the United States are examples of capital cities founded as a more central location in order to better balance power among competing regions.

Another factor is social stratification—differentiation in society based on wealth and status. What is typically regarded as lower, middle, and upper classes in most developed societies, social stratification can be complex, overlapping, and influenced by a variety of group characteristics such as race or ethnicity and gender. Social stratification can lead to political stratification—differing levels of access, representation, influence, and control of political power in government. This derived power can in turn reinforce social stratification in various ways. For example, the wealthy and privileged of a country may have derived political power from their wealth and in turn shape and influence government in such a way as to protect and increase their wealth, influence, and privilege. With the comparative method of political inquiry, political scientists can study the degrees to which social stratification effects political processes across countries. This kind of comparative inquiry can yield important insights such as whether wealth derived from group characteristics leads to greater political stratification than wealth derived across more diverse groups, or whether reforms directed at lessening political stratification have any effect on social stratification.

Lastly, global stratification suggests when looking at the global system, there is an unequal distribution of capital and resources such that countries with less powerful economies are dependent on countries with more powerful economies. Three broad classes define this global stratification: core countries, semi-peripheral countries, and peripheral countries. Core countries are highly industrialized and both control and benefit from the global economic market. Their relationship to peripheral countries is typically predicated on resource extraction—core countries may trade or may seek to outright control natural resources in the peripheral countries. Take as an example two open pit uranium mines located near Arlit in the African country of Niger. Niger, one of the poorest countries in the world, was a former colony of France. These mines were developed by French corporations, with substantial backing from the French government, in the early 1970s. French corporations continue to own, process, and transport uranium from the Arlit mines. The vast majority of the uranium needed for French nuclear power reactors and the French nuclear weapons program comes from Arlit. The mines have completely transformed Niger in a number of ways. 90% of the value of Niger’s exports come from uranium extraction and processing, leading to what some economists call a “resource curse”—a situation in which an economy is dominated by a single natural resource, hampering the diversification of the economy, industrialization, and the development of a highly skilled workforce.

Semi-periphery countries have intermediate levels of industrialization and development with a particular focus on manufacturing and service industries. Core countries rely on semi-peripheral countries to provide low cost services, making the economies of core and semi-peripheral countries well integrated with one another, but also creating an economic situation in which semi-peripheral countries become increasingly dependent on consumption in core countries and the global economy generally, sometimes at the expense of more economic self-sufficient and sustainable development. As an example, let’s consider Malaysia, a newly industrialized Asian country of over 40 million people. Malaysia has had a GDP growth rate of over 5% for 50 years. Previously a resource extraction economy, Malaysia went through rapid industrialization and is currently a major manufacturing economy, and is one of the world’s largest exporters of semi-conductors, IT and communication equipment, and electrical devices. It is also the home country of the Karex corporation, the world’s biggest producer of condoms.

Included among core countries are the United States and Canada, Western Europe and the Nordic countries, Australia, Japan, and South Korea. Semi-peripheral countries include China, India, Russia, Iran, Malaysia, Indonesia, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and South Africa. Periphery countries include most of Africa, the Middle East, Central America, Eastern Europe, and several Asian countries. Reflect on the relationship between core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral countries. Do you think this relationship is predicated more on exploitation and control or mutually beneficial economic partnerships in a global environment? Choose three countries—one core, one semi-peripheral, and one peripheral—that have political and economic ties to one another. Evaluate and analyze relations between these countries. What are the prominent economic interactions? What best characterizes the diplomacy and political relations between these countries? Are the forms of government similar or different?

The Value of Languages and Comprehensive Knowledge

Comparative politics arguably requires more comprehensive knowledge of countries, political systems, cultures, and languages than the other sub-disciplines in political science. Language skill, in particular, is often essential for the comparativist to conduct good research. Having some facility with languages spoken in the countries or regions central to the research project gives researcher access to information and opens up avenues of communication and knowledge that is needed for in-depth understanding.  

In conducting field research, knowledge of local languages is critically important. Conducting interviews and doing observations in the field require familiarity with common languages spoken in the area. Grants are available from the US State Department and academic institutions for graduate students (and in some cases promising undergraduates) for language programs. The best environment for learning a foreign language is immersive—ideally, students should spend time in areas they have research interests in to gain familiarity with the language(s) and cultural practices. For example, if one wanted to conduct a comparative research project on political development in Kosovo and Abkhazia—two breakaway autonomous republics of similar size and population that are key sites of the geopolitical struggle between the West and Russia—it would be necessary to have some familiarity with Albanian (the dominant language of Kosovo) and Abkhaz, but it may also be helpful to have some exposure to Serbian, Russian, and Georgian as well.

Comparativists should ideally have broad but deep knowledge of the world—understanding regional issues, environmental resources, demographics, and relations between countries provides a pool of general knowledge that can help comparativists avoid obstacles while conducting their research. For example, if one were conducting a study on the relationship between women’s access to contraceptives and the percent of women in the workforce with a data set of some 150 countries, it is useful to know that in the non-Magreb countries of Africa women make up a disproportionately large percentage of agricultural labor. Despite low access to contraceptives, sub-Saharan African countries have relatively high percentages of women in the work force due to the cross-cultural norm of women farmers.

Field Research in Comparative Politics

A crucial component of doing comparative politics is field research—the collection of data or information in the relevant areas of your research focus. Where political theory is akin to the discipline of philosophy, comparative politics is akin to anthropology in this field research component. Comparativists are encouraged to “leave the office” and bring their research out into the relevant areas in the world. Being on the ground affords the researcher a firsthand perspective and access to the sources that underpin good comparative analysis. Conducting surveys with local respondents, doing interviews with key actors in and out of government, and making participant observations are some common methods of gathering evidence for the field researcher. To continue with the above example of Kosovo and Abkhazia, suppose a researcher was interested in comparing constitutional development and reform in the two republics. Interviews with key actors in developing those respective constitutions would provide a firsthand account of the process, while surveys conducted with local responses could measure the degree of support for key reforms. A researcher could also conduct participant observations of the legislative process, media events, or council meetings.

Being in the field always comes with surprises that may alter the research project in numerous ways. Poor infrastructure may hamper travel. Corruption may create obstacles in survey work or interviews. Locals may be unwilling to work with a foreign researcher whose intentions are in doubt. It is always important to balance your ideal research project with the practical realities you find on the ground. Deciding whether to take a short or long trip abroad is also an important consideration—shorter trips may bring more focus and efficiency to your work and also afford more opportunity to identify points of comparison and contrast, whereas longer trips can be more open-ended and immersive, giving the researcher the opportunity to develop contacts and and have a more in-depth cultural experience. Lastly, case selection and sampling are important considerations—macro-level case selection involves identifying a country to conduct field work; meso-level selection involves locating relevant regions or towns; micro-level selection involves identifying individuals to interview or specific documents for content analysis.

Comparative politics is more about a method of political inquiry than a subject matter in politics. The comparative method seeks insight through the evaluation and analysis of two or more cases. There are two main strategies in the comparative method: most similar systems design, in which the cases are similar but the outcome (or dependent variable) is different, and most different systems design, in which the cases are different but the outcome is the same. Both strategies can yield valuable comparative insights. A key unit of comparison is the nation-state, which gives a researcher relatively cohesive cultural and political entities as the basis of comparison. A nation-state is the overlap of a definable cultural identity (a nation) with a political system that reflects and affirms characteristics of that identity (a state).

In comparing constitutions and political institutions across countries, it is important to analyze the factors that shape unique constitutional and institutional designs. Geography and basic demographics play a role, but also social stratification, or difference among individuals in terms of wealth or prestige. Social stratification is often reflected, and subsequently reinforced, in political stratification (differentiation in political power, access, and representation). Lastly, global stratification suggests an imbalance of power in the global world, in which core countries are able to control or influence economic and political processes in semi-periphery and periphery countries.

In the next chapter, we will consider a very different set of sub-disciplines—American politics and public policy and administration.

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Comparativists (practitioners of comparative politics) seek to identify and understand the similarities and differences among political systems by breaking broad topics such as democracy or freedom down into the factors we find in individual systems. We call this general approach the comparative method, whose goal is to identify the factors and/or categories of analysis to compare and contrast different political phenomena.

We can use the comparative method to tackle broader, more complicated questions such as: Are certain forms of representative democracy more effective than others? Why are some countries extremely prosperous and others extremely poor? How does authoritarian control drive economic development? Does culture impact quality of governance? After completing this course, you will have the methodological background to understand and explain variations in political behavior and political institutions. You will also have a general understanding of the issues facing political systems in each of the regions covered.

Course Syllabus

First, read the course syllabus. Then, enroll in the course by clicking "Enroll me". Click Unit 1 to read its introduction and learning outcomes. You will then see the learning materials and instructions on how to use them.

Unit 1: Social Science and Comparative Politics

Effective comparative study of political systems is rooted in the scientific method. In this unit, we offer an overview and brief history of scientific inquiry and research methods. We build on these themes as we focus on the comparative method and outline several positivist models of comparison employed by political scientists.

As you review the material, think about how the comparative scientific study of politics differs from scientific inquiry in the natural world. Should we use the same research methods to study politics, as a scientist studying microbes or global climate change? Can we study the world of comparative politics objectively, as it exists, or try to derive better political models and outcomes?

Completing this unit should take you approximately 4 hours.

Unit 2: The Nation-State

In the discipline of comparative politics, we explore how and why nations change, how and why governments compare to governments in different parts of the world, and patterns and irregularities among political systems. Before we can begin making these comparisons, we need to understand the basic unit of comparative political study: the nation-state.

Why do we need the nation-state? How does the concept of sovereignty tie into the history and characteristics of the state? How has the nation-state evolved since its origin in 1648? Is there an optimum form of state rule? And finally, is the modern nation state static or evolving in its form and function?

In Unit 2, we examine the history and thinking behind the modern nation state through the contributions of the philosophers Thomas Hobbes and Max Weber. We discuss how states developed, challenges to state sovereignty, and compare totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government.

Unit 3: Democratic States and Democratization

In Unit 3 we focus on the concept of democracy. We explore various attributes that characterize democratic states and differentiate them from authoritarian regimes. We then examine processes of democratization, the breakdown of democracy, and the debate regarding the relationship between democracy and economic development. We conclude the unit by exploring the contemporary case of the Arab Spring.

Think about how you would respond to these questions. What differentiates democracies from authoritative regimes? What conditions facilitate democratization? Do contemporary trends in the early 21 st century support or undermine democratic states? Finally, do you agree with those who argue that democracy improves economic outcomes?

Completing this unit should take you approximately 6 hours.

Unit 4: Comparing Political Structures and Institutions

A constitution provides a road map for a political system. Although constitutions vary from state to state, they are similar in many ways. Constitutions define political leadership, modes of representation, a legal framework, and the limits of a government's power. A constitution expresses the collective values and supports the security and stability of developing institutions.

In this unit, we explore how constitutions serve common needs. We consider how their differences reflect the values and interests of diverse constituencies. For example, legislatures may be divided into different types of houses and have different rules for choosing their members, but they typically have the same lawmaking purpose. We we often can trace these similarities and differences to specific reasons that allow us to better understand the culture or society. For example, the way a government is organized often reflects the social stratification of the political community in question.

We will examine different characteristics of government as factors in our study of comparative politics. We derive these factors from the written constitution, the political leadership, and the bureaucracy that emerged over time. In each case, we discuss political factors with an eye toward comparison. For example, we identify the degree of bureaucratic privatization in each system, how a community's geography influences government interaction, how governments gravitate toward immobilization in their policy-making, and how each of these factors leads to patterns in the political process over time.

Completing this unit should take you approximately 13 hours to complete.

Unit 5: Political Behavior

Our political institutions influence how we behave. In this unit we focus on how non-institutional factors affect political prospects in different societies. For example, cultural factors influence the political process in many ways, and lead to different political values, differing degrees of alienation from local process, and different methods of political mobilization and participation. We define culture as the ideas, values, beliefs, and norms that inform the ways we behave, and how we believe others will judge us for our behavior. In this unit we examine how subcultures and shifts in political activism have influenced government. We conclude with an introduction to different voting processes, a look at interest groups, pressure groups, lobbying, the press, media campaigns, and nongovernmental and quasi-nongovernmental organizations, and an examination of how constituents use the Internet in policy and administrative processes

Completing this unit should take you approximately 22 hours.

Unit 6: Comparing Ideology, Policy, and Decision-Making

In this unit we explore ideology and decision-making tactics. First, we compare five ideologies that have shaped mainstream political party platforms and governance in contemporary democratic systems: conservatism, liberalism, Christian democracy, social democracy, and environmentalism. We examine frameworks for understanding the policy process before discussing how policymakers obtain feedback and strategically use indecision. We conclude the unit by focusing on informal influences that shape government policy choices.

Completing this unit should take you approximately 10 hours.

Unit 7: Comparative Case Studies

In this unit, we introduce methods of comparative analysis used in political science and international studies. Note that the case studies we will explore are hardly geographically or topically exhaustive. We apply factor analysis and comparative methods to examples from four world regions – Africa, the Americas, Asia, and the Middle East – which is the classification of area studies and standard geopolitical organization American political scientists use.

For example, we divide Asian politics into four regions: East, South, Southeast, and Central Asia. We also divide Africa into two regions: the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and sub-Saharan Africa. We will explore how political elites and policymakers hold distinct views on democratization and modernization, and how these views impact political conflict in these regions.

Completing this unit should take you approximately 16 hours.

Study Guide

This study guide will help you get ready for the final exam. It discusses the key topics in each unit, walks through the learning outcomes, and lists important vocabulary. It is not meant to replace the course materials!

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The Case for Comparative Regional Analysis in International Politics

• First Online: 17 August 2022

Cite this chapter

• William R. Thompson 50 ,
• Thomas J. Volgy 51 ,
• Paul Bezerra 52 ,
• Jacob Cramer 53 ,
• Kelly Marie Gordell 54 ,
• Manjeet Pardesi 55 ,
• Karen Rasler 56 ,
• J. Patrick Rhamey Jr. 57 ,
• Kentaro Sakuwa 58 ,
• Rachel Van Nostrand 59 &
• Leila Zakhirova 60  

Part of the book series: Evidence-Based Approaches to Peace and Conflict Studies ((EBAPCS,volume 6))

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Chapter 2 reviews a large portion (roughly 230 articles) of the more recent quantitative literature on conflict and cooperation dynamics in international politics that involve some effort to include “region” as part of the analysis. The review notes that while there is little consensus regarding the definition and operationalization of “region”, most studies identifying regions report substantial and significant region effects on the dependent variable of interest. In order the move towards a more comprehensive analysis of region effects, the chapter proposes a new approach to conceptualizing and delineating regions on the basis of an opportunity and willingness framework for regional delineation. Applying the approach, it then identifies the changing nature of regions and their membership in both Cold War and post-Cold War eras and discusses both the strengths and limitations of the approach. Then he chapter proposes a theoretical framework for examining conflict, cooperation, and diffusion dynamics across regions. It suggests three types of regional effects, but places primary emphasis on a comparative regional analysis that discriminates between regions based on differences created by hierarchical relationships both inside regions and globally, integrating structural approaches into the theoretical framework. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research and a series of caveats regarding both the identification of regions and the utility of the proposed framework.

For an earlier version of this work, see Volgy, Thomas J., Paul Bezerra, Jacob Cramer, and J. Patrick Rhamey. 2017. “The Case for Comparative Regional Analysis in International Politics,” International Studies Review , 19, 3: 452–480.

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Most studies focus on a single region and the dynamics driving states within one region. Of these the European Union experience dominates but has been increasingly challenged by single studies of other regions. There are substantially fewer cases of scholarship that focus on two (e.g., Katzenstein 2005 , Solingen 1998 ) or more regions (Buzan and Waever 2003 , Gleditsch 2002 , Lemke 2002 , Prys 2010 , Stewart-Ingersoll and Frazier 2012).

Thus, this literature review is not focused on the state of the art regarding regions but the extent to which regional considerations are integrated into quantitative research focused on conflict and cooperation processes.

These included American Political Science Review , American Journal of Political Science , British Journal of Political Science , Conflict Management and Peace Science , Journal of Politics, Journal of Peace Research, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Foreign Policy Analysis, International Interactions, International Studies Quarterly, and International Organization.

Based on the TRIPS survey of international relations journals and the Thomson citation index.

These include either meta-regions or modifications of meta-regions, such as splitting the Americas into North and Latin America, Asia into Eastern and Western Asia, separating “Asian tigers” from the rest of Asia, or separating communist states from non-communist states.

An initial inter-coder reliability test yielded aggregate agreement with the classifications at .89. After a reconciliation for minor errors, the second round yielded agreement at .95.

Examples include a previous effort’s focus on democracies (Hadenius and Teorell 2005 ); one replicates a categorization used for analyzing diffusion in democracies (Brinks and Coppedge 2006 ); one utilizes a classification used to study shatterbelts (Hensel and Diehl 1994 ); while one borrows a classification for analyzing civil wars (Hegre and Sambanis 2006 ).

For an exception, see Dafoe ( 2011 ).

We are not the first to note this (Hegre and Sambanis 2006 ).

Typically, authors indicate that regional distinctions were used for “fixed effects” or robustness checks without disclosing the impact of regional controls on the dependent variable.

Much of the literature fails to address as well some of the key issues raised by the spatial economics literature focused on diffusion and interdependence, and the salient methodological implications that arise in gauging the effects of spatial, temporal, and unit considerations simultaneously. For these critiques, see Franzese and Hays ( 2007 , 2008 ) and Beck et al. ( 2006 ).

Even if authors often forgo discussion of regions’ effects.

For a similar argument, see Solingen ( 2014 ).

Region designations are available at patrickrhamey.com/row including maps and a detailed codebook.

Others who use the loss of strength gradient typically include the Correlates of War Composite Index of National Capability (CINC) as the measure of “power,” but have produced peculiar outcomes such as China holding the position of most powerful state. GDP provides a more plausible hierarchy of states, and in the post-Cold War era, is still strongly correlated with CINC scores (Rhamey 2012 , 69).

See Lemke ( 2002 , 79–81) for further justification.

An “above average” amount is a proportion of a state’s foreign policy directed to another state that is greater than the average proportion of all states’ foreign policy to each other state, annually, which is about four percent each year.

For discussion of the clique method, see Hanneman and Riddle ( 2005 , Chap. 11 ) and Everett and Borgatti ( 1998 ).

See, for example, the network diagrams in Rhamey ( 2012 , 129) or Rhamey et al. ( 2014 , 5–7).

So as not to eliminate any country from the possibility of regional membership, those few countries not within 500 miles of any others (e.g. Iceland), we count the closest proximate state over water as satisfying the contiguity constraint.

Consistent with the literature arguing for the fluidity of regions (e.g., Fawcett 2004 , Passi 2020 ).

See also the similar conceptual definition by Paul ( 2012 , 4) or the inventory of criteria for regional composition by Thompson ( 1973 ).

Map taken from patrickrhamey.com/row. Annual maps and those for other decades available at the same url. Map made using historicalmapchart.net, governed by an attribution-sharealike 4.0 license (CC BY-SA 4.0).

While Paraguay does interact with its immediate neighbors, its limited capabilities to reach other states in the region is paralleled by its inconsistent interactions with its region’s members. Its troubled relationship with both Mercosur and UNISUR is consistent with being a peripheral regional member.

Likewise, for scholars interested in political economy issues, geographically contiguous states could be reclassified in terms of their relative trade vis-à-vis each other, and/or the extent to which they generate structural agreements such as regional trade agreements. However, by selecting conflict and cooperation events as the measure of interaction, we believe our approach offers broader applicability to understanding the variability of cooperation and conflict across regional spaces.

For example, without information on patterns of behavior, Estonia would be, given distance, of far greater “regional” relevance to Russia than France. But, by incorporating patterns of behavior, Estonia has perhaps become more regionally relevant to France than neighboring Russia. Thus, not all distance is created equal, and therein lies the utility of our approach to identifying regional spaces by including behavior alongside distance.

In these types of cases, approaches focusing on politically relevant dyads or spatial diffusion of proximate states may be more appropriate than analyzing discrete regional spaces as levels of analysis.

Although as Lake ( 2009 , 44) notes, separating Type I from Type II effects in large-N based empirical models can become quite difficult.

Another illustration concerns the robust finding in the literature regarding the salience of unresolved territorial/border issues for interstate conflicts. In regions where such issues are at a minimum, there should be substantially fewer conflicts (Type I, A➔D effects). However, regions with broadly accepted borders may also contain favorable conditions for the creation of stable institutions (e.g. Gibler and Braithwaite 2013 ) that further facilitate cooperation between states (Type II, A➔C➔D effects). Likely, the combination of minimal territorial disputes, the prevalence of democracies, the end to ongoing rivalries, and especially security incentives provided by a major global power (United States) help account for the emergence of the Western European peace after centuries of intra-regional conflict.

Seeking order is not the same as minimizing conflict and maximizing cooperation between states in a region, but they should be related. The creation of certain security arrangements dampens conflicts (e.g., as Goh 2013 notes in East Asia). A complex architecture designed to promote economic and social exchanges between a region’s members should facilitate other forms of cooperation. The extent to which order-seeking actually translates to greater cooperation and less conflict depends however on a number of factors that we refer to below.

For a nuanced differentiation of types of regional powers and their approach to order, see Prys ( 2010 ).

For an example of the role of trans-ethnic kin and its potential effects, see Rasler and Thompson ( 2014 ).

How much capability is needed by a regional power for such a successful enterprise is unclear. India in South Asia, South Africa in Southern Africa, and Nigeria in West Africa have all been relatively unsuccessful in generating stable cooperative institutions. Brazil in Southern America has been more successful (MERCUSOR, UNASUR), but even that limited success has faded with challenges from more radical Southern American states and a weakening of Brazilian political institutions.

For an excellent summary of works and the issues they raise, including about firewalls, see Solingen ( 2012 ).

We leave as an open question the substance of those orders being sought and the mechanisms used by regional powers to create them. Dissatisfied regional and global powers, when conditions allow, can work together to try to develop regional and inter-regional arrangements in opposition to the global order, as demonstrated by the collaboration between China and Russia in Central Asia, and China’s Belt and Road initiative across several regions.

We are differentiating throughout this effort between major powers (Levy 1983 , Volgy et al. 2011 ) that have uniquely extensive resources and operate across regions versus regional powers that have only uniquely extensive resources compared to others in their region and have been endowed by other members of their region with regional power status (Cline et al. 2011 ).

We follow Cline et al. ( 2011 ) in identifying regional powers: those that hold unusual economic and military capabilities in their region, engage extensively with the states in the region, and are accorded the status of regional power by the member states constituting the region.

We assume that major powers operating in their own neighborhood—by definition—have the capacity and the historical willingness to impose such orders in their neighborhood before pursuing more global policies.

For the difficulties involved with delineating regional powers and the literature that has attempted to do so, see Nolte ( 2010 ) and Neumann ( 1992 ).

For instance, doing so using two by three tables for region hierarchy type (no hierarchy, regional hierarchy, major power hierarchy) and the mean level of MIDs for each type consistent with our hypotheses, we find significance levels at 0.005, but we are unable to approximate the substantive effects of these differences.

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Camano Island, WA, USA

William R. Thompson

School of Government and Public Policy, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA

Thomas J. Volgy

Department of Military and Strategic Studies, U.S. Air Force Academy, USAF Academy, CO, USA

Paul Bezerra

Tucson, AZ, USA

Jacob Cramer

Kelly Marie Gordell

Centre for Strategic Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand

Manjeet Pardesi

Karen Rasler

IR and Political Science, Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, VA, USA

J. Patrick Rhamey Jr.

Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo, Japan

Kentaro Sakuwa

University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA

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Appendix 1: List of Regional Categories Used in Quantitative Studies of Conflict and Cooperation

Appendix 2: States, Regions, and Border States, 2001–2010

Appendix 3: Changes in European Regions, Shown by Decades, 1950–1980

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Thompson, W.R. et al. (2022). The Case for Comparative Regional Analysis in International Politics. In: Regions, Power, and Conflict. Evidence-Based Approaches to Peace and Conflict Studies, vol 6. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1681-6_2

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Published : 17 August 2022

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